Driwancybermuseum Galery (continiu)

This is te sample of DriwancyD-ROM,if you want to get it please ask via comment

Driwan Cybermuseum Home office galery

This is te sample of DriwancyD-ROM,if you want to get it please ask via comment

Driwan Cybermuseum Home office galery






Chong Yeau Tian leader of the Chinese in Medan 1911


Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

Copyright @ 2013



The Chinese Overseas Kapitan

Part two

 Dutch East Indie Colony


Khoo Chew Tong KAPITAN CINA tanjung Balai Asahan


Created By

Dr4 Iwan suwandy,MHA

Copyright @ 2013




[edit] History

[edit] Pre-colonial interaction

There was little direct Chinese involvement in what is now Indonesia before the fifteenth century. Trade between China and the Indonesian archipelago was in the hands of Indonesians, rather than Chinese.[disputed] The standard word for a Chinese trading vessel, junk, is derived from the Javanese word jong, which described large teak vessels that trekked north from Southeast Asia to southern China.[disputed] Chinese sources, however, are useful external sources of information on early Indonesia, including the records of a few emissaries such as Fa Hien, a Buddhist monk who passed the region in the fifth century on his way to India. Kingdoms of Indonesia and China had some relationships that thrived during the Tang dynasty.

Ironically, though most of the present Chinese Indonesians are not Muslims, some of the earliest Islamic evangelists in Java (Wali Songo, or the Nine Ambassadors) were of Chinese ancestry. At least four of those nine were original Chinese or Chinese descendants: Sunan Ampel, Sunan Bonang (son of Ampel and a Chinese woman), Sunan Kalijaga, and Sunan Gunungjati.[5] <This shouldn’t actually be ironic since those Islamic evangelists are actually Hui Chinese, a Chinese ethnic group who are Muslim. In contrast, most of the present Chinese Indonesians are mainly not Hui Chinese. Rather, they are mostly Han Chinese, another Chinese ethnic group which is the majority ethnic group in mainland China, coming from Fujian, Guangdong, etc.> One theory suggests that Chinese traders were among the first to bring Islam to Indonesia, including those who came to Semarang under the leadership of Admiral Zheng He, or Sam Po Kong, in the fifteenth century. Zheng He himself was a Muslim from the Hui minority ethnic group in China. Other theories based on documented accounts of Indian Gujarati traders and merchants, long familiar with Java, suggest they introduced Sufism there and the Malay Peninsula.[citation needed]

Since the voyages of Zheng He, many Chinese considered the region as an attractive trading partner.

[edit] Dutch colonial era

[edit] Favored position under the Dutch



Portrait of the Chinese kapitein of Rembang, Central Java (ca. 1913)

The largest waves of Chinese migration happened during early to middle Dutch colonial era (sixteenth to nineteenth centuries) seeking to find new opportunities of trade.

Race relations between the Chinese Indonesians and native Indonesians (pribumi) have always been problematic, and remain so up to the present. Some commentators trace this to the Dutch era when colonial policy favored the ethnic Chinese, and in so doing established the economic dominance of the Chinese over the region.[citation needed]

The caste system established by the Dutch also made it disadvantageous for ethnic Chinese to assimilate into the native population. Assimilation would mean being placed in the lowest estate together with the natives. Ethnic Chinese, together with Arabs and other “foreign orientals” were members of the second estate. The first estate was reserved for Europeans.[6]

As such, the Dutch were among the early practitioners of a classic colonial strategy practiced in many other times and places by displacing and destroying native systems of authority through favoring specific ethnic or religious minorities. They become props of colonial rule and a buffer between itself and the majority indigenous population. (France and Britain would eventually use the local Christian and Jewish communities in the Arab world in the same way.)

Having the favor of the Dutch and being considered by “intelligent, diligent, and capable of overseeing Dutch plantations”, many ethnic Chinese supported colonial rule[citation needed]. Indeed, in the early years of the Dutch East Indies, ethnic Chinese actively helped strengthen Dutch domination in the region. Souw Beng Kong, the Kapitan Cina (“Captain of the Chinese”) of Banten, for example, organized a large-scale immigration of Chinese under his rule to Batavia in the seventeenth century. This significantly destabilized the regional economy and facilitated Dutch conquest of the Sultanate of Banten.

As a reward, Souw was made the first Kapitein der Chinezen of Batavia in 1619. His successors and later, the Majoors der Chinezen, were given landed fiefdoms and the Dutch-invented hereditary title of Sia by the colonial government.

Among them, these aristocratic Peranakan families controlled a great deal of Java’s land and wealth, confiscated by the Dutch from the native (pribumi) aristocracy. Through the officership system they governed the Peranakan and ethnic Chinese populations of Batavia. The system was later extended to other centers of Dutch power in Java and the rest of the archipelago.[7] Deprived of land, the native aristocracy lacked the economic resources (income via agricultural, livestock and timber products, alluvial and subterranean mineral resources, most particularly gold and gemstones) vital to fund their kingdoms, princedoms and dukedoms. Essentially bankrupted by theft of their land and forced transition to Chinese ownership, the aristocracy was hamstrung to raise military force against the usurpers.

Both the Dutch and the Chinese participated in the trade of thousands of Javanese slaves. Javanese considered problematic were shipped off to Chinese plantations in Sumatra.[citation needed]

[edit] Massacre of 1740

Main article: 1740 Batavia massacre

In their position, the Chinese often did not receive friendly attitudes from the Dutch. In the early decades of the eighteenth century, tensions began to build. In some ways, it resulted from the fact that having settled in and around Batavia ever since its foundation, the Chinese had come to be a major element in its economic life.

Chinese workers were greatly involved in building Batavia and cultivating the adjacent agricultural areas. And Chinese traders, who were arriving in growing numbers, made the Dutch East India Company (VOC) increasingly dependent on them.

The VOC came to make most of its profits from trade among different Asian destinations rather than back to the Netherlands themselves – and it was naturally the Chinese traders residing in Batavia who had the best contacts in China.

Dutch and Chinese needed each other – which in theory should have ensured a good relationship. But an element among the Dutch colonists came to increasingly resent the situation of the Chinese being their effective social equals and economic rivals. The Chinese traders, like the Dutch ones, were tax-payers – which was an economic burden but also conferred considerable privileges (a phenomenon comparable to the later resentment of French settlers in Algeria to local Christians and Jews being legally their equals).

What set off a cataclysm of hatred and bloodshed was not only cliquish Chinese trading but the other major branch of their economic activity on Java: agricultural work carried out by poor Chinese coolies who were imported and employed by rich Chinese entrepreneurs. Such coolies were, for example, the dominant part of the labor force employed in the sugar plantations at the Ommelanden of Batavia, a major field of economic activity.

The importation of ever more coolies caused an enormous increase in the Chinese population in the VOC-ruled area of Batavia and its environs, and they came to constitute nearly half of the total population just before 1740. Already in 1690, the colonial authorities had imposed severe limitations on further immigration from China. This did not have, however, the effect of stopping the importation of more coolies. Rather, they continued to be imported through the payment of bribes to the authorities, and were all the more dependent on their employers (usually Chinese themselves) and susceptible to lucrative exploitation.

From about 1720 the sugar market went through a deepening crisis, with the markets in Europe becoming saturated, and the plantations of Java facing sharp competition from cheaper Brazilian sugar. Many of the sugar planters went bankrupt, and the authorities took no step to alleviate the situation of the workers thrown out of their jobs – with the result being bands of unemployed, hungry and desperate coolies turning to brigandage.

Belatedly, at July, 1740 the colonial authorities, c.q. Adriaan Valckenier and Gustaaf Willem van Imhoff decreed that all the coolies of the Ommelanden were to be transferred to Dutch-run plantations at Galle in Southern Ceylon. That might or might not have been the true intention, but rumors rife among the coolies were that the Dutch actually intended to throw them overboard once out of sight of the shore. Instead of boarding the ships, the coolies burst into an all-out revolt, with roaming bands robbing and killing in the countryside and some even attempting to attack Batavia itself.

There is no evidence that the better off Chinese living inside the walled area of Batavia, some five thousand in number, were planning to join the rebellious coolies outside. However, many of the Dutch inhabitants did have such suspicions. On October 9, 1740, the order was issued to search the houses of all the Chinese residents in Batavia. This soon degenerated into an all-out, three-day long massacre – with Chinese being massacred in their homes, and earlier captured Chinese being killed out of hand in prisons and hospitals.

A preacher fanned the flames from the pulpit, declaring that the killing of Chinese was “God’s Will”, and the colonial government itself reportedly posted a bounty for decapitated Chinese heads. The number of victims in these three days is variously estimated at between five thousand and ten thousand. The name Kali Angke (traditional Chinese: ; literally, “Red River”) is said to date from that time, recalling the blood flowing into the river.[8][9]

Afterwards, the “restoration of order” was proclaimed, with surviving Chinese henceforth ghettoized in specific quarters of Batavia and other Dutch-ruled cities. The Chinese area of Batavia was designated Glodok, where many Chinese still live in present-day Jakarta.

Following the massacre, the Dutch Governor-General Adriaan Valckenier was arrested and required to account for himself to the Heeren XVII (“Seventeen Lords”, the VOC directors in Amsterdam). He died in prison, however, and the charges against him were declared “annulled by death”.

The affair continued to crop up in later periods, especially in times of tension.[10]


Graf van de kapitein der Chinezen So Bing Kong (Bencon) te Batavia, vermoedelijk op Goenoeng Karang, een oude Chinese begraafplaats aan de Jacatraweg 1916


Situation now

Due to Coolaberation between Driwancybermuseum and Zheng He Museum Penang, I have made a special reasearche about the Famous  Chinese overseas In Malaya during British Colony  and Indonesia during Dutch East Indie


Liem Kie Djwan, kapitein der Chinezen te Jogjakarta, 1888-11-23

Oei Tan Nio, echtgenote van de kapitein der Chinezen te Jogjakarta, op 27-jarige leeftijd


Oei Tjan Nio in bruidskleding, echtgenote van Liem Kie Djwan, kapitein der Chinezen te Jogjakarta

After work Hard and spend much time and loan, The research were finish and this info will show in Zheng He Museum Penang lead by Robert Yeap.

I also found some informations related to that famous man.like kapitan Cina in stratits settlement penang,Malacca,Singapore ,Kuching Sarawak  and also from federated Malayan like Kuala Lumpur etc,also from Indonesia(Dutch East Indie that time) like Deli medan,tanjung balai ashan ,padang city, Batavia(Jakarta),surabyaa .


Kapitan cina rembang 1885

Due to many realted informations,this book will be divided by two part,part one Malaya area and part two Indonesia (Dutch East Indie Area)


Kapitan Cina Surabaya and Mrs  1880






Kapitan(mayor rank) Cina Surabaya Han Tjong Khing  1924



When and why the Kapitan Cina organization starting?


Kapitan cina(leuteant rank) Laboehan deli 1880

 I have a very best information from web blog Chinese overseas in British Colony and Kapitan cina Batavia, but some of informations cannot read all because qere protacted with the PDF and other computer technology which made only by very high technology a part of information can read, but I think enough and good informations were extist,this some of the info below.

[edit] Continued Immigration and division into three sub-communities



Chinese family portrait (ca. 1870)

Even such bloody events did not put an end to the continued Chinese emigration to the Indies, where economic opportunities not available in China itself outweighed the dangers of discrimination or persecution.

Earlier Chinese immigrants had much closer ties toward mainland China. This was manifested in their strong desire to return home and consideration of the Indies as yet another temporary settlement.

Attitudes started changing from the middle eighteenth century when the Qing emperor of the time, Qian Long, considered these expatriates to be “turncoats” and thereby a threat to China. Still, while Emperor Qian Long adopted a general “closed-door policy”, there was no evidence that Chinese expatriates were banned from returning to their original homeland.

Many of them, however, found the Indies an increasingly attractive abode. The hostile and oppressive Manchu government of the Qing dynasty brought even more migrants from China. Lured by comfortable lives, some of them no longer associated themselves with mainland China. They were called Cina Babas or Peranakans. Some Cina Babas intermarried with indigenous Indonesian (pribumis), often the slave-girl of a coollie.

Most, however, identified themselves as Dutchmen, embraced Christianity, generally enjoyed higher education and social status, and mimicking Western lifestyles considered themselves the more refined. They got to be called Qiao Sheng (literally, “foreign-born”). Beginning in the late Nineteenth Century, most of the Dutch-invented aristocratic “Sia” families underwent rapid westernization. By the early decades of the twentieth century, many of them—especially those domiciled around Batavia—had become “more Dutch than the Dutch themselves”. The Sias were consequently some of the strongest proponents of colonial rule.

Those who still maintained ties toward China, whose main belief was Confucianism, considered Cina Babas and Qiao Shengs unfilial, all the more so because Cina Babas and Qiao Shengs typically shunned Chinese tradition. The ones who still maintained “purity” were called Cina Totoks.

These three groups of Chinese Indonesians had starkly different nationalistic views and tendencies. At the time

  • Qiao Shengs were more inclined toward the Dutch;
  • Cina Totoks were more inclined toward mainland China;


  • Cina Babas were more toward the indigenous population of the Indies.

[edit] Changing Dutch policies and decline of the Sia aristocracy


Chinese paifang in Bandung on the occasion of the marriage of Princess Juliana and Prince Bernhard in 1937

By the 1920s and 1930s, the long standing hold over the economy of the old Sia families, Qiao Sheng par excellence, was systematically destroyed by the very Dutch colonial government they supported . Following Queen Wilhelmina‘s speech to the Estates General (the Dutch Parliament) in which she insisted that a “moral debt” was owed to the people of the East Indies, the colonial government implemented its so-called “social policy”. This was aimed at ending feudalism in Java and breaking up the large estates of the Peranakan pretender aristocracy.

It was the Chinese Sias, more than the native aristocracy, who suffered from this measure. The native aristocracy did not own much land, due to the fact that the Dutch had generations prior forcibly confiscated and split the former Kingdom of Majapahit into four. The Dutch, to remedy the unfavourabale and indeed racist treatment of the natives, initiated a program of civil service employment for suitably pliable upper middle-class semi-aristocratic families, known as priyayi.

Dutch compulsory acquisition of Peranakan fiefdoms destroyed many of the older Chinese landowning families. While some successfully managed to get into business, most former Sias—their title becoming obsolete by the 1940s—were swamped in economic power by Totok Chinese. This latter group remains, even today, the most powerful economic group in Indonesia.[11]

Concomittant with the decline of the feudal-type Sias, Chinese Indonesians underwent a process of modernization and of building up Western-type political and social institutions. Chinese Indonesians built the first of their schools in Surabaya in the 1920s—one of the first non-Western schools in Java—and by the 1960s, many Chinese schools had been established in the major cities. The first Chinese newspapers were also printed during this era, and several Chinese political parties were established. These parties ranged from those who saw themselves as part of the Indonesian nationalist movement, and those who felt that Chinese Indonesians were still Chinese citizens – a question that was left unresolved for many decades.[citation needed]

[edit] Nationalism and revolution (1900–1945)

[edit] Reflections of Chinese mainland politics

Later waves of migrants still maintained ties to China, mainly by supporting Chinese nationalistic movements to overthrow the Qing dynasty. Although the support was mainly monetary, some Chinese Indonesians were actively involved in the inside politics, especially so during the Sun Yat Sen era. Cina Totoks were particularly active.

Although the Chinese Communists were largely unsupported at first, from the 1930s on the Communists’ effort to drive the Japanese occupants out of China gained the support of many Cina Totoks and even some Qiao Shengs. Thus, Indonesian Chinese manifestations of support towards mainland China became divided into two camps, parallel with the civil war sides in China itself: Nationalistic (Kuomintang or Guómíndǎng) and Communistic (Gòngchǎndǎng).

[edit] Sympathy for Indonesian nationalism

At the turn of the 20th century, however, Cina Babass were increasingly assimilated into Indonesian culture. Younger generations of Cina Totoks still tried to maintain ties with China.

Although the Dutch had given the Chinese Indonesians a special status, they were becoming increasingly oppressive and discriminative against all Chinese Indonesians. So, all three groups – Qiao Shengs, Cina Babas, and Cina Totoks – were more and more cooperative toward the Indonesian national movement, especially in providing monetary support.

This comment is disputed as much documentary evidence amply illustrates overwhelming Chinese support for Dutch paramilitary attempts to crush the Independence movement thereby incurring long-standing enmity of the Indonesian native.

More and more Chinese Indonesians were involved in Indonesian politics. Cina Totoks typically set up specific Chinese political parties which aimed at an Indonesia-China alliance and established newspapers. Cina Babas and Qiao Shengs typically joined nationalist parties jointly with pribumis. Some of them, serving as officers in the Dutch Army and later the Japanese one, but never used their positions to help the national movement.



On 10 November 1928, the Chinese weekly Sin Po published what is now known as Indonesia Raya, Indonesia’s national anthem.

They were also among the pioneers of Indonesian newspapers. In their fledgling publishing companies, they published their own political ideas along with contributions from other Indonesian writers. In November 1928, the Chinese weekly Sin Po (traditional Chinese: 新報; pinyin: xīn bào) was the first paper to openly publish the text of the national anthem Indonesia Raya. On occasion, those involved in such activities ran a concrete risk of imprisonment or even of their lives, as the Dutch colonial authorities banned nationalistic publications and activities.

Chinese Indonesians were active in supporting the independence movement during the 1940s Japanese occupation, when all but the Overseas Chinese Association (traditional Chinese: ; pinyin: Huáqiáo Zhōnghuì) were banned by the Japanese military authorities. Some notable pro-independence activists were Siauw Giok Tjhan and Liem Koen Hian, but the latter died as a People’s Republic of China citizen (Kusuma,2004:27). Yap Tjwan Bing, a member of Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, became a US citizen in the 1960s.




Kapitan cina medan Tjong A Fie 1906


Kapitan Cina Medan Tjonng A Fie with family 1900


Huwelijk van de dochter van de Kapitein der Chinezen Jap Soen Tjai te Medan

The Chinese Consulate

The formation of Chinese consulate in Singapore in 1877 , an Penang in 1890, also in Padang West Sumatra and Payakumbuh West Sumatra (years still not known) respectively was primanly to serve as communicate between the Chinese Gouvernment  and the Chinese overseas . Apart from that it was also the Chinese tentative to gain support and loyality from her wealthy  Overseas member.


Tjong Jong Hian, kapitein der Chinezen te Medan 1910



The house of Kapitan cina medan Tjong Jong Hian 1900

The office of the Vice-consult functions in various aspects and capacities .The diplomatic rule of the Chinese Vice-Consul was based in demography and geography of British Malaya and Duitcg East Indie For istance



Installatie van Tjong Yong Hian als kapitein en Tjong A Fie als luitenant der Chinezen te Medan

The Penang Brand engaged with the Chinese Affairs in Penang <Perak,Sealngor, Kedah and Perlis.Whereass the Singapore branch comcerned in the areas such as Johor, Malacca, Negri Sembilan , Kelantan and Trengannu


Kapitan Cina Tanjungpura Medan Hho Tsai Toan in 1890


The prime role of the Vice-Consul was also concerned in protecting the Chinese and their business interest however in the ealy 1900’s other Chinese organizations  such as the Chinese Advisory board (1890) ,Chinese chamber of Commerce Po Leung Kok(1886) as well as other Chinese clan association had surged in all mayor owns in British Malaya thus the importance of the Vice consult had apparentely ceased.


Vrouw van de kapitein der Chinezen te Batavia en een meisje 1867

In 1891 ,the vice consult of Singapore was promote to the rank of Consult gereal in south East asia and in 1933 the chinedse consult was established in Kuala lumpur and the Chinese Affairs in the Federataed of Malaya.







Kapitan Cina Langkat  Tjoeng Njan Khin with government in Binjei

Van de raad maakten deel uit: W.Ph. Coolhaas, voorzitter; Tjoeng Njan Khin, kapitein-titulair der Chinezen van Boven Langkat; Djalaloedin, landschapsarts van Langkat; Tengkoe Mohamad Jasin, pangeran van Boven Langkat en waarnemend vice-voorzitter van de Karapatan in Langkat; mr J.B. Kan, voorzitter van de Landraden te Bindjai en Langsa; Baharoeddin, fiscaal-griffier van het Landgerecht te Bindjai; W.F. Verrijk, hoofdopzichter van de Afdeling Weg en Werken van de Deli Spoorweg Maatschappij; ir P.M. Visser, inspecteur van de Langkatondernemingen van de Deli Maatschappij; J. Louwerier, chef-geneesheer van het Bangkattan-hospitaal van de Deli Maatschappij; H.J. Lever, waarnemend administrateur van de onderneming Timbang Langkat van de Deli-Batavia Maatschappij







Kapitan*mayor rank) cina Aceh Lie A sie

Op de rug gezien v.l.n.r.: majoor K. van der Maaten, sultan Mohammad Dawot Sjah, Toeankoe Ibrahim (zoon van de sultan) en assistent-resident W.J.F. Vermeulen; V.l.n.r. tegenover majoor K. van der Maaten: luitenant-generaal J.B. van Heutsz (gedeeltelijk), assistent-resident A.C. Veenhuizen, luitenant-kolonel G.C.E. van Daalen (gedeeltelijk), onbekend, controleur C. Schultz, Toeankoe Pangeran Oesén, Toeankoe Machmoet, onbekend, majoor titulair der Chinezen Lie A Sie


Kapitan(leuteannt rank) can meando 1873


The same situation same in Dutch East Indie(Indonesia now) but the rank different,there were Mayor Cina, Kapitan Cina and Leutenant Cina depend on the demography and geography of dutch east indie from government, Residentie,subresidentie(Assisten-resident area) and more small area.


Kapitan Cina Medan 1900 Oen Goan The


In Padang there were two Chinese vice-consut at Pariaman name Lir Ma Say, he ever send money to Dutch east ndie government to help the Krakato eruption victim in 19th century but later closed because move to Padang city there were vicde consut Gho Goan Tee and Lie Ma say became the first Mayor Cina, and then Gho Goa tee,then Ang Eng Lay, then Lie Oen Kiong,then the son of Gho Goan Tee(Gho sun Tong) his brother Gho Sun hin merried my Aunt Kang Kim Lian they lived at Singapore. My grandgrandpa Chua Chay Hiok(Tjoa Tjay Hiok) became the vice Consult in Payakumbuh west Sumatra upland ,later my uncle TJOa seng Lian became the Kapitan cina at Payakumbuh he ever send money to help republic of China during sun Yat sen(Kuomintang) to build the railways ,


Opening van de eerste jaarmarkt te Semarang 1908

At Batavia(now Jakarta) the first Kapitan was So ban Kong,he strated from Bantam ,then moved to Batavia during VOC first built this city in 16th century, then the Khouw faili were the next kapitan cina Batavia. I was found the best book about a dutch man travelling in ndonesia in late 19th century,in that rare book I found the pictures of the first kaiptan cina Padang city profile Lie Ma say, and other 19th century book about tarvellin in Java also I found the profil of Surabaya kapitan Cina.

In  The 1941 Dutch East Indie Almanac book  were list all the kapitan cina from all part of Indonesia,and from the Book of Dutch and colony ‘s employe 1939, I found the kapitan cina and famous Chinese overseas in Dutch East indie complete with profile picture and short life histories .



De gemeenteraadsleden van Bindjai met enkele dame

Van de raad maakten deel uit: W.Ph. Coolhaas, voorzitter; Tjoeng Njan Khin, kapitein-titulair der Chinezen van Boven Langkat; Djalaloedin, landschapsarts van Langkat; Tengkoe Mohamad Jasin, pangeran van Boven Langkat en waarnemend vice-voorzitter van de Karapatan in Langkat; mr J.B. Kan, voorzitter van de Landraden te Bindjai en Langsa; Baharoeddin, fiscaal-griffier van het Landgerecht te Bindjai; W.F. Verrijk, hoofdopzichter van de Afdeling Weg en Werken van de Deli Spoorweg Maatschappij; ir P.M. Visser, inspecteur van de Langkatondernemingen van de Deli Maatschappij; J. Louwerier, chef-geneesheer van het Bangkattan-hospitaal van de Deli Maatschappij; H.J. Lever, waarnemend administrateur van de onderneming Timbang Langkat van de Deli-Batavia Maatschappij

Indonesian National Revolution

During the Indonesian National Revolution following World War II, many Chinese Indonesians supported the Independence movement. BPUPKI’s (Body for Investigating Preparation Attempts of Indonesia’s Independence) membership included six ethnic Chinese members who contributed to the drafting of the Indonesian Constitution in 1945.[citation needed] The formation of all-Chinese Indonesian units in the Revolution was discussed,[12] similar to the formation of the all-Japanese American Nisei units in World War II. This suggestion was ultimately rejected, and the ethnic Chinese were advised to instead join their local pro-Independence groups. Due to the lack of such clearly-defined ethnic unit, the precise number of Chinese Indonesians who took part in the Indonesian National Revolution, and their percentage of the Chinese Indonesian community as a whole, remains disputed. It is a sensitive issue due to it sometimes being linked to the post-war status of Chinese Indonesians and their equal status (or lack of one) in the Indonesia created by that war.

In 1946, the Consul General of the Republic of China, Chiang Chia Tung, expressed in Malang the ROC’s support for Indonesia’s independence





Root of Tionghoa

The word has been used in a letter Tionghwa loyal to the Nippon army .
Chinese or tionghwa , is a term that is made by people of Chinese descent in Indonesia , which is derived from the Chinese word zhonghua . Zhonghua pronounced in Hokkien dialect of Chinese .



Chinese overseas at Baroes Tapanoeli in 1910

Discourse Tsung Hwa at least been started since 1880, which is the desire of the people in China to be free from the power of the royal dynasty and establish a more democratic and stronger . This discourse to be heard by people of Chinese origin living in the Dutch East Indies when it was called the Chinese People .



Chinese overseas Tin Worker  at Bangka 1920

A group of people from China whose children were born in the Dutch East Indies , felt the need to learn the culture and language . In 1900 , they founded the school in the Dutch East Indies , under the auspices of an entity called ” Tjung Hwei Hwa Kwan ” , which is when the pronunciation becomes Tiong Hoa Hwe Indonesianized Kwan ( THHK ) . THHK along the way not only provide Chinese language and culture education , but also foster a sense of unity among the Chinese in the Netherlands Indies , along with changes in the term ” China ” to ” Chinese ” in the Dutch East Indies .


Uitreiking van een onderscheiding aan de kapitein der Chinezen, Tan Djoe An, bij zijn aftreden door de resident te Modjokerto in 1918


Population in Indonesia




Kapitan cina Ambarawa Kwee An Kie 1875

Based Volkstelling ( census ) in the Dutch East Indies , Indonesian – Chinese population reached 1.233 million ( 2.03 % ) of the population of Indonesia in 1930. [ 5 ] There is no official data on the number of Chinese population in Indonesia issued by the government since Indonesian independence . But the American anthropologist , G.W. Skinner , in his research has estimated the Chinese population in Indonesia reached 2.505 million ( 2.5% ) in 1961 . [ 6 ]


Chenese overseas in DEI in 1876


In the population census in 2000 , when for the first time census respondents were asked about their ethnic origin , only 1 % of the total Indonesian population claiming to be Chinese . A rough estimate of the number of trust – Indonesian ethnic Chinese today is located in between the range of 4 % – 5 % of the total population of Indonesia . [ 7 ]
Region of origin in China








Installatie van de majoor der Chinezen door resident W.J.M. Michielsen, vermoedelijk dhr. Pjang a Yong te Medan in 1893



Aanwezige bestuursambtenaren onder andere: resident van de Oostkust van Sumatra W.J.M. Michielsen, assistent-resident J.C. van Hasselt en secretaris J.A. van Rijn van Alkemade

Map the distribution of ancestral tribal homelands Chinese – Indonesian
The height of the coastal trade interaction southeastern China , causing a lot of people who also feel the need to go out cruising for trade . The main aim when it was Southeast Asia . Because the cruise is highly dependent on monsoons , then each year the traders will live in areas of Southeast Asia who visited them . And so on there are traders who decided to settle down and marry local women , there are also traders who returned to China to continue to trade .


V.l.n.r. op de 1e rij: Daliloeddin, Moorianto Koesoemo Oetojo, Soenito, Soedjarwo Tjondronegoro, onbekende, Abdoerachman, onbekende, Djalal Moechsin, onbekende, Adnin; op de 2e rij: Zain Sjarif, Annie de Ridder, Reny [Irene Yvonne] Poetiray, Rasono Woerjaningrat, mevr. Alings, mevr. Abdoerachman, Margriet Tuera (vertegenwoordigster Kaoem Iboe Indonesia), dochter van mevr. Alings; op de 3e rij: Sidartawan, Joesoef Moedadalam, mevr. Poernomo, Soenardi, onbekende, mevr. Soenardi, 2 Chinezen, 2 onbekenden, Evie [Georgine Eveline] Poetiray, 4 onbekenden, Hartono; op de 4e rij: Soegeng Notohadinegoro, Hadiono Koesoemo Oetojo, Madeleine Hubrecht, Soehoenan Hamzah, Soeripno, Ati Nataatmadja (dochter van regent Tjiandjoer); 2 onbekenden, Trees Nataatmadja (dochter regent Tjiandjoer), Koessardjono


Chinese people in Indonesia , mostly originating from southeast China . They include the tribes :
§ Hainan
§ Hokchia
The area of origin is concentrated in the coastal southeast is understandable , because of the Tang Dynasty from port cities in coastal southeastern China indeed has become a bustling trading port . Quanzhou been noted as the largest airport and the busiest port in the world in those days . [ Citation needed ]

Undo edits


Title Chinese optocht te Sitoebondo ter gelegenheid van het vijfentwintigjarig regeringsjubileum van koningin Wilhelmina in 1923 Op de banier staan in Chinese karakters drie plaatsnamen uit de Fujian provincie in China: “Zhou, Xinghua en Fuqing”. Waarschijnlijk de plaatsen waar deze overzeesche Chinezen vandaan komen.Is this translation better than the original?

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The first recorded movement of people from China into Maritime Southeast Asia was the arrival of Mongol forces under Kublai Khan that culminated in the invasion of Java in 1293.

 The Mongols introduced Chinese technologies to the island, including shipbuilding and coinage. Their intervention hastened the decline of the classical kingdoms such as Singhasari and precipitated the rise of the Majapahit empire.[16]


Chinezen dragen een balk voor de bouw van een boortoren te Pangkalanbrandan in 1929

Album, Foto-boek I, was bestemd voor de moeder van E.P.L. de Hoog. Zie ook albums 1041, 1042 en 1043.

Some Chinese and Portuguese sources indicate that Chinese traders were the first to arrive on Ternate and Tidore in the Maluku Islands to buy cloves, but they were later driven out by Javanese traders as Majapahit expanded.[17]



 Khoe Hock Cho (rechts in het midden) op de dag van zijn benoeming tot luitenant der Chinezen te Tandjoengbalai en P. Scheffer, assistent-resident van Asahan, vóór de Chineesche Hollandsche School te Tandjoengbalai


Kapitan (lieutenant rank) Cina Tanjungbalai Asahan  khoe Hock cho 1927

Chinese Muslim traders from the eastern coast of China arrived at the coastal towns of Indonesia and Malaysia in the early 15th century. They were led by the mariner Zheng He, who commanded several expeditions to southeastern Asia between 1405 and 1430. In the book The Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores (瀛涯勝覽), his translator Ma Huan documented the activities of the Chinese Muslims in the archipelago and the legacy left by Zheng He and his men.[18] These traders settled along the northern coast of Java, but there is no documentation of their settlements beyond the 16th century. The Chinese Muslims were likely to have been absorbed into the majority Muslim population.[19] Between 1450 and 1520, the Ming Dynasty‘s interest in southeastern Asia reached a low point and trade, both legal and illegal, rarely reached the archipelago.[20] The Portuguese made no mention of any resident Chinese minority population when they arrived in Indonesia in the early 16th century.[21] Trade from the north was re-established when China legalized private trade in 1567 through licensing 50 junks a year. Several years later silver began flowing into the region, from Japan, Mexico, and Europe, and trade flourished once again. Distinct Chinese colonies emerged in hundreds of ports throughout southeastern Asia, including the pepper port of Banten.[20]

Chinese traders boycotted Portuguese Malacca after it fell to the Portuguese in the 1511 Capture of Malacca.[22] The Chinese engaged in business with Malays and Javanese instead of the Portuguese.[23] Some Chinese in Java assisted in Muslim attempts to reconquer the city using ships. The Javanese–Chinese participation in retaking Malacca was recorded in “The Malay Annals of Semarang and Cerbon”.[22]



Chinese ethnic in the 1930s .

Removal of traders from the north to the south occurs on a large scale . Chinese emperor then, Tsi Thi Huang , memakarsai displacement.

In the book Lord of the Rims ( from Coastal Taipan ) written by Sterling Seagrave , mentioned four reasons Emperor who managed to unite the Chinese mainland in that incident .
 First , Tsi fear with his biological father bribes science , Prime Minister Lu Pei Wei , go spread the merchant who is a supporter of his father . As said the book , Tsi is the son of an affair between the Prime Minister Lu Pei Wei with concubines . Lu put a mistress who was pregnant concubines .



Groepsfoto van het personeel van Regionale Werk Plaats van de Nederlandsche Nieuw Guinea Petroleum Maatschappij genomen voor het vertrek van E.P.L. de Hoog van Babo in West-Nieuw-Guinea

Groepsfoto van het personeel van Regionale Werk Plaats van de Nederlandsche Nieuw Guinea Petroleum Maatschappij genomen voor het vertrek van E.P.L. de Hoog van Babo in West-Nieuw-Guinea

When 10 -year -old Tsi he was appointed emperor . Lu became Prime Minister for 10 years . And the only prime minister of gologan merchants during Chinese history .

The second reason , North China famous for its agriculture . So it is a cleansing action against the traders .


Hoogwaardigheidsbekleders bij Sjarif Kasim Abdul Djalil Saifoedin (3e v.r.), sultan van Siak in 1905 V.l.n.r.: […] (luitenant der Chinezen), luitenant Koentze, […] (vermoedelijk de broer van de sultan), sultan Sjarif Kasim Abdul Djalil Saifoedin, […] (vermoedelijk bestuursambtenaar) en luitenant De Graaf

Later , the emperor wanted to develop the Chinese population in the South .
The final reason relates to the orthodox view of Confucianism which was looked down on the merchants , the merchants put under farmers : with logic , most farmers still produce rice , while the merchants did not return any results .
The Emperor ordered the transfer of the merchants ( and their friends ) on a large scale to the southern regions ( Fu Jian , Kwang – Tong ) .

The is then spread throughout the world , estimated at 55 million people . Four percent of the total number of inhabitants of the land which is also known as the Chinese .

However , the deployment of a third invasion of China into the world community . The first wave is done by Zheng He ( Cheng Ho ) about six hundred
years ago ( National Geographic ) . Admiral is only known Muslim , took his army south regions trace . History textbooks mention he had stopped in Java and made ​​a covenant with the king and locals.

The second deployment occurred when struck Chinese opium war in 1840 . Ruling Qing Dynasty tried to stop the opium . But , as the British saw great potential in this trade , they instead send warships as an answer . China defeated and ditandanganilah opium trade agreements allow Britain handed Hong Kong and in the lap of the Queen of England .

Many Chinese people who escaped from the state of chaos that hit the country . They spread to southern Asia , including Southeast Asia .
This is the beginning of the theory of Chinese people entering the area of ​​West Sumatra .


Sudarma , elders there to justify it . ” I was born in Padang . ‘s Been half a century in Padang . Grandfather I have parents , who called kongconya already in Padang . Parents My mother got it from the original Chinese . So the age of 12 years he joined his parents in Indonesia . Actually, the objective is not to Indonesia . goal was probably to the Philippines . attacked But since the storm, stranded in Bagan Si Api Api . Nah , keep walking , eventually arrived at Padang , Padang settled in , “he says .

Could be , parents Sudarma a resident who came in the second wave . The truth of the fact it can be strengthened with age See Hin Kiong Temple is located in Kampung China .
Dick Halim ( 80 ) , the Chinese elders estimate pagoda built before 1860. It could be because , according to records Erniawati , Padang State University lecturer and researcher at the Chinese community Minang , the pagoda was burned in

1861 .

Chinese Captain Lie Say
Lie Ma Say 

Major Chinese Lie Say
who was appointed by the Dutch to bring in workers from China to rebuild the shrine . “Muslims are also looking mosque where to go , right? ” Said Erniwati .

Another theory is derived from the Chinese Padang Pariaman . Ernawati , who wrote the book Smoke Hio in Minang , Chinese Community in West Sumatra , estimates The Chinese already in Pariaman in the 13th century . When entered into Pariaman Aceh .

Not surprising actually . Pariaman is a haven for the merchants in those days . Pariaman a trading center on the coast . Not surprisingly , in 1630 , Christine Dobbin , author of the economic turmoil and the Rise of Islam and the Padri Movement , 1784-1847 Minangkabau , Chinese quarter estimates already exist in Pariaman .

Unfortunately, a tragic event to trigger the departure of the Chinese from Pariaman . During the Japanese occupation , the Chinese brought her two daughters to the Japan office .
 The other vision ditanggap by young men who happened to see him . Traitor whispers erupted immediately . Two girls was immediately taken to the beach and dibelek with kangso ( a tool made from aluminum cans ) .

According Erniwati , the attack was carried out without a plan. Hence , the tool is not sharp weapons are usually prepared to kill . “Besides , the punishment for traitors . Not only the Chinese people feel the punishment , community leaders who also became a Japanese spy , got the same sentence . , “Said the bachelor 2 UNP ‘s History majors .

Fear crept Chinese society . Gradually they began to leave Pariaman .
By 1965 some Chinese people still dwell there . However , entering the 1967 is rather difficult to find the slant-eyed in Pariaman . ” Because of what happened PKI or PRRI , ” said Erniawati . Slowly the Chinese berangur moved to Padang . Precisely , in the cottage at the moment.

However , the reason could also be the basis of the economy . Pariaman no longer considered fertile ground for 19th century trade approach . So it is not just Chinese traders who left , but also traders from other regions .


Dr Iwan note
I get information from the grand son Tjoe Lie – grand son ( great grandson ) of Ma Lie Say ,
Lie Ma Say dating from China’s Qing dynasty in the late 19th century, around the years 1830 to 1840 with or near the wife as a trade envoy Qing Empire in Pariaman , then he moved to Padang Panjang and Batusanggkar here he married again and had a son that is

Namely Soan Lie Tong Li who has two sons Sam and Lie Lin . Lie Lie son sam has Djoe Tong who has several sons and daughters of the Lie Tjoe Yang , his wife Tjan Tjeng hay ( my wife’s mother ‘s brother ) , and my pastor friend Lie Tjoe san ( Sandarma Akhbar SH ) .
According to my brother Dr. Johan Main Edhie , my sister’s husband’s grandfather Ie Po Tak Bun Tjoa major pariaman married to his son ( probably lie lin ) called Lie Hok Seng ( they do not have children , your child meangkat Ipo Tjoa Kang Sung Tak Bun Him whose wife sister Tjoa toen oldest Gin ,

Kang brother kim Bwee ( no1 ) . lian.tjabo kim kang kang and sim poe , Kang Kim Mua ( No. 3 ) , namely his mother drg Tjoe Lie Heng – wife named Ben Pangabean kim hwa Kang , as well as my father’s wife ‘s sister Djintjek keng Ie the GHO Lie Kim named her jade – Go siei Hong , GSlan , GHO Soei ing.bersaudara Nine . ( Dr iwan note )

Ethical Trade Platform Minang – China Relations

It is estimated , there were 12 thousand Chinese people lived in Padang. Hundreds of clan or tribe inhabiting .
However , only eight tribes who have a home meeting . GHO is the eighth tribe , Lie – Kwee , Tan , Ong , Tjoa – Kwa , Lim Hwang and Kho . Kho clan is a clan who built the house last meetings. ” Marga another few in number . So do not build a house meeting , “said Rush of Family Hanura Lie – Kwee . Lie- Kwee currently has 600 members . All were over 17 years old .
( At least the genus Auyong , is the founder of the famous daily KOMPAS Auyong Peng Koen was born in Payakumbuh – known as PKOyong – Dr Iwan note )

As the name implies , the meeting house was used to organize events involving one family. For example, the Lunar ( Chinese New Year ) , Cap Go Meh ( 15th day of the Chinese New Year celebration ) , Kio , Sipasan or Pek Chun ( the feast that commemorates the height of summer ) . In fact , the 140 th anniversary , the family plans to invite Lie – Kwee – Kwee Lie entire tribe residing in Indonesia . ” But , it’s three years away , ” said Lie Kian Guan secretary secretary Lie – Kwee family set .
Kinship is to be number one for the Chinese . And as ” indigenous ” people of Central Asia ( Japan and Korea ) , they are maintaining the dignity of the family . If embarrassing , suicide or disposed of the family is an appropriate punishment . ” On the field , for example, many families are no longer recognized , to the extent that made ​​the ad in the paper , because it tarnished the family disgrace , ” said Hanura .

They had great respect for ancestors . This is a fundamental attitude to the Chinese . ” It’s influenced by the teachings of Tao Confunsius and attached to each of the Chinese , ” said Erniwati .

One more is the attitude of the Chinese authorities often approach . In the Dutch period they were considered second-class citizens . While indigenous third grade . So also in Japanese and Sukarno era . They get an opportunity that many people are not even natives though .

Only in the Suharto era , tap the Chinese trade a little freedom is restricted in the public eye . Therefore , some Chinese people become successful entrepreneurs such as Sui Liong Liem ( Salim ) , the owner of Bank BCA . ( Dr Iwan note : Sofyan Wanandi – Liem Bian from Padang koen one successful Chinese entrepreneurs )

At the time of Sukarno’s Dutch and they are placed with a single purpose , the economy . Dutch resettle them along the Dutch region , such as in the area to be monitored Kampuang Cino in overseeing their trade . Soekarno Likewise , those in the ‘ hand over ‘ in one place and only allowed to trade .

This , according to Hanura , there are pros and cons . On the one hand they fulfilled economically , but on the other hand they can not contribute in other areas . ” How many civil servants who are of Chinese descent ,” he asked .

Jealousy had mastered the natives saw their success in trade . No wonder , when there are riots , the Chinese became targets as the events of 1998. ” Though not all Chinese people rich . Look at Tanah Kongsi market , ” said Hanura .
However , in the crunch Padang Minang ethnic Chinese and does not occur or is not as big as other cities . According Erniwati , the unique relationship between the two.
As a fellow tribe strong trade and has a strong culture and religion , should conflicts often occur . ” It seems , ethical trade makes both respect each other , ” said Erniwati .

Ethical trade makes both tribes are in a position of a friend . It looks like the two have shared trade area . Trade dominated the national level as well as the Minang people to the international area , the Chinese had been the ruler .

99 % Could not Chinese
Loose from the Soeharto era , the Chinese became more freely . Government pressure is much reduced . The Chinese are more liberated in performing worship and culture . No wonder the Chinese New Year or Cap Go Meh feels more festive than year to year . ” The most exciting event was Sipasan . Cap Go Meh At this time the show will take place most festive Sipasan because Sipasan long , “said Xin Xui who trade in front of the HBT .

Even so , alkulturasi quietly been taking place. China long before people breathe easier.

‘ The proof , 99 % of Chinese people who live here can no longer be Chinese , ” said Hanura . Distance away from ancestral lands , as well as limited memory makes Chinese culture slowly began to be forgotten . Many residents in Padang ‘s Chinatown was shocked when Erniwati mention Chinese traditions that had never been heard . Language that emerged was impressed funny . Tanah Kongsi market may witness alkulturasi languages. If you were there , Malay – Chinese sounds here and there . Pigi where lu ( going ) , Telok kecik papaw ( urinating large eggs , kind of expression ) , it would ndak o ( he will not) , for example .
To attenuate the distance , ceremonies , religious warnings sought to be implemented as it should . Although it only to write Chinese characters without understanding its meaning. ” Ndak ambo know , do , ” said Hanura when asked the purpose of the text contained in lanterns .

When interviewed Hanura palanquin procession is preparing event on Thursday ( 5/2 ) ago . A mystical events like dabuih at Coastal . The goal of the ancestors . Kio houses paraded to the other clans . ” To friendship , ” said Arif Rusli Rusdi , Jiko ( representative ) of the Lie and Kwee family .

Additionally , Sipasan be unique in Kampung Chinese art . In fact according to Hanura , art is not found in other Chinatowns in Indonesian .

During Mother’s Day , the Chinese community held a unique competition . Race wearing marapulai Minangkabau. Variations also vary . There Sawahlunto wedding dress , Bukittinggi , Payakumbuh , “said Hanura who happens to get a wedding dress from Padang .

From there he also learned that culturally there is a very obvious similarities between the Minang culture with Chinese . ” Especially the wedding dress . And Telong said in a poem has similarities with Tenglong ( lanterns ) . ”
Erniwati similarities justify it even called this a bit sensitive to the Minang .

Another visible change is the Chinese people are now no longer closed to accept members from outside the ethnic . In fact , many players brown -skinned dragon or lion . ” There’s even a Muslim , ” said Hanura .

No wonder that there was a lion dance show , not all players yellow . Belo eyes also appeared as the head emerged from behind the lion dance .
Can not be touched when “spring ” this will end . Erniwati convinced that the Chinese community in Padang will not get political interference and excessive pressure from the Minangkabau ethnic . ( Yusrizal KW / Andika Destika Khagen / S.Metron M / Esha Tough Son / Gus RY ) from Padang Ekpres Daily Newspaper


I hope this informations about Chiense overseas history especially vice consuslt cina and kapitan Cina with related collections will made the next generation now how their relatives grand-grandpa became very success live in Indonesia and Malaysia (that time straits,federated Malaya and dutch east Indie)

I will put some info from this book in Mr Robert Yeap ‘s Zheng he museum Penang which we are coabolrations with mutual benefit, and if someone want to get the full information can buy the complete CD-ROM straight to me via my email address


Jkarta November 2013

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA









Chinese immigrants to the Indonesian archipelago almost entirely originated from ethnic Han groups of what are now the Fujian and Guangdong provinces in southern China, known for their regional diversity.[78]

The Han Chinese form the largest ethnic group in the world with large numbers living in Southeast Asia.[79] Nearly all Chinese Indonesians are either patrilineal descendants of these early immigrants, or new immigrants born in mainland China.[80]



The tin mines of Bangka Island almost entirely employed Chinese workers.

Top of Form

Tambang timah Pulau Bangka hampir seluruhnya mempekerjakan pekerja Cina.

Sebagai kelompok pertama dari orang-orang Cina untuk menetap dalam jumlah besar, Hokkien selatan Fujian menjadi kelompok imigran yang dominan hingga pertengahan abad ke-19.
Maritim-pedagang budaya mereka berasal dari pekerjaan perdagangan mereka sementara di Indonesia. Keturunan dari Hokkiens adalah kelompok dominan di Indonesia Timur, Tengah, dan Jawa Timur, dan pantai barat Sumatera.
Tiociu, tetangga selatan Hokkien, ditemukan di seluruh pantai timur Sumatera, di Kepulauan Riau, dan di bagian barat Kalimantan. Mereka lebih disukai sebagai buruh perkebunan di Sumatera, tetapi telah menjadi pedagang di daerah mana Hokkien yang tidak terwakili. [81]
The Hakka, tidak seperti Hokkien dan Teochew, berasal dari daerah pedalaman pegunungan Guangdong dan tidak memiliki budaya maritim. [81] Karena medan yang tidak produktif daerah rumah mereka, Hakka beremigrasi karena kebutuhan ekonomi dalam beberapa gelombang dari 1850-1930 dan yang termiskin dari kelompok imigran Cina. Meskipun mereka pada awalnya dihuni pusat pertambangan barat Kalimantan dan Pulau Bangka, Hakkas menjadi tertarik pada pertumbuhan yang cepat dari Batavia dan Jawa Barat di akhir abad 19 [82].
Orang Kanton, seperti Hakka, yang terkenal di seluruh Asia Tenggara sebagai penambang. Migrasi mereka di abad ke-19 sebagian besar diarahkan pada tambang timah Bangka, di lepas pantai timur Sumatera. Terkemuka tradisional sebagai pengrajin terampil, Kanton manfaat dari kontak dekat dengan orang Eropa di Guangdong dan Hong Kong dengan belajar tentang keberhasilan mesin dan industri. Mereka bermigrasi ke Jawa sekitar waktu yang sama seperti Hakka, tapi untuk alasan yang berbeda. Di kota-kota di Indonesia mereka menjadi pengrajin, pekerja mesin, dan pemilik bisnis kecil seperti restoran dan hotel-menjaga layanan. The Kanton yang merata di seluruh kepulauan dan nomor jauh lebih sedikit daripada Hokkien atau Hakka. Akibatnya peran mereka sangat penting sekunder dalam masyarakat Tionghoa [82].

As the first group of Chinese people to settle in large numbers, the Hokkien of southern Fujian became the dominant immigrant group until the middle of the 19th century.

Their maritime-mercantile culture comes from their trade occupations whilst in Indonesia. Descendants of Hokkiens are the dominant group in eastern Indonesia, Central and East Java, and the western coast of Sumatra.

Teochews, southern neighbors of the Hokkien, are found throughout the eastern coast of Sumatra, in the Riau Archipelago, and in western Borneo. They were preferred as plantation laborers in Sumatra but have become traders in regions where the Hokkien are not well represented.[81]

The Hakka, unlike the Hokkien and the Teochew, originate from the mountainous inland regions of Guangdong and do not have a maritime culture.[81] Due to the unproductive terrain of their home region, the Hakka emigrated out of economic necessity in several waves from 1850 to 1930 and were the poorest of the Chinese immigrant groups. Although they initially populated the mining centers of western Borneo and Bangka Island, Hakkas became attracted to the rapid growth of Batavia and West Java in the late 19th century.[82]

Cantonese people, like the Hakka, were well known throughout Southeast Asia as mineworkers. Their migration in the 19th century was largely directed toward the tin mines of Bangka, off the east coast of Sumatra. Notable traditionally as skilled artisans, the Cantonese benefited from close contact with Europeans in Guangdong and Hong Kong by learning about machinery and industrial success. They migrated to Java about the same time as the Hakka, but for different reasons. In Indonesia’s cities they became artisans, machine workers, and owners of small businesses such as restaurants and hotel-keeping services. The Cantonese are evenly dispersed throughout the archipelago and number far less than the Hokkien or the Hakka. Consequently their roles are of secondary importance in the Chinese communities.[82]


By the time the Dutch arrived in the early 17th century,

major Chinese settlements existed along the north coast of Java. Most were traders and merchants, but they also practiced agriculture in inland areas.

The Dutch contracted many of these immigrants as skilled artisans in the construction of Batavia (Jakarta) on the northwestern coast of Java.[19]

A recently created harbor was selected as the new headquarters of the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, VOC) in 1609 by Jan Pieterszoon Coen. It grew into a major hub for trade with China and India.

Batavia became home to the largest Chinese community in the archipelago and remains so in the 21st century.[24]

Coen and other early Governors-General promoted the entry of Chinese immigrants to new settlements “for the benefit of those places and for the purpose of gathering spices like cloves, nutmeg, and mace”.[25]

The port’s Chinese population of 300–400 in 1619 had grown to at least 10,000 by 1740.[26] The Dutch, however, introduced a racial classification system that separated residents of Chinese ancestry from those of other ancestry.[27]

Most of those who settled in the archipelago had already severed their ties with the mainland and welcomed favorable treatment and protection under the Dutch.[28]

Some became “revenue farmers”, middlemen within the corporate structure of the VOC, tasked with collecting export–import duties and managing the harvest of natural resources;[29] although this was highly profitable, it earned the enmity of the pribumi population. Others worked as opium farmers.[30]

Following the 1740 Batavia massacre and ensuing war, in which the Chinese rebelled against the Dutch,[31] the Dutch attempted to place a quota on the number of Chinese who could enter the Indies.

Amoy was designated as the only immigration port to the archipelago, and ships were limited to a specified number of crew and passengers depending on size. This quota was adjusted at times to meet demand for overseas workers, such as in July 1802 when sugar mills near Batavia were in need of workers.[32]

When the VOC was nationalized on 31 December 1799, many freedoms the Chinese experienced under the corporation were eliminated by the Dutch government.

Among them was the Chinese monopoly on the salt trade which had been granted by the VOC administration.[33]

An 1816 regulation introduced a requirement for the indigenous population and Chinese traveling within the territory to obtain a travel permit. Those who did not carry a permit faced arrest by security officers.

The Governor-General also introduced a resolution in 1825 which forbade “foreign Asians in Java such as Malays, Buginese and Chinese” from living within the same neighborhood as the native population.[34]

Following the costly Java War (1825–1830) the Dutch introduced a new agrarian and cultivation system that required farmers to “yield up a portion of their fields and cultivate crops suitable for the European market”. Compulsory cultivation restored the economy of the colony, but ended the system of revenue farms established under the VOC.[35]



The first Dutch Chinese Schools were established in 1892 following a split in curriculum from the native population.

The Chinese were perceived as temporary residents and encountered difficulties in obtaining land rights. Europeans were prioritized in the choice of plantation areas, while colonial officials believed the remaining plots must be protected and preserved for the indigenous population.

Short-term and renewable leases of varying lengths[b] were later introduced as a temporary measure, but many Chinese remained on these lands upon expiration of their contracts and became squatters.[36]

In the second half of the 19th century the colonial government began experimenting with the idea of an “Ethical Policy” to protect the indigenous population, casting the Chinese as the “foremost enemy of the state”. Under the new policy the administration increased restrictions on Chinese economic activities, which they believed exploited the native population.[37]

In western Borneo the Chinese established their first major mining settlement in 1760. Ousting Dutch settlers and the local Malay princes, they joined into a new republic known as Lanfang.

By 1819 they came into conflict with the new Dutch government and were seen as “incompatible” with its objectives, yet indispensable for the development of the region.[38] The Bangka–Belitung Islands also became examples of major settlements in rural areas.

In 1851 28 Chinese were recorded on the islands and by 1915 the population had risen to nearly 40,000 and fishing and tobacco industries had developed. Coolies brought into the region after the end of the 19th century were mostly hired from the Straits Settlements owing to recruiting obstacles that existed in China.[39]

CHINA: Through the Lens of John Thomson 1868-1872

An historic photographic exhibition including 150 images taken in China between 1868 and 1872. The exhibition includes a wide variety of images, themes and locations in China from Beijing to Fujian to Guangdong including landscapes, people, architecture, domestic and street scenes.  The show in Beijing is accompanied by several displays of original clothes from the era.

John Thomson (1837–1921) was born in Edinburgh two years before the invention of the daguerreotype was announced to the world in 1839.

This discovery was the beginning of photography. That same year Fox Talbot introduced the calotype process, and with this new medium David Octavius Hill and Robert Adamson, two remarkable Scottish photographers living in Edinburgh, produced nearly 3,000 images, including city views, landscapes and scenes of everyday life. Their work undoubtedly had a profound influence on Thomson.

 In the years leading up to Thomson becoming a professional photographer, the technology of photography also developed at an incredible speed. The invention of the wet-collodian process in 1850 is regarded as the watershed: it reduced the exposure time and the cost of making photographs; it also produced sharper images. The wet-collodian process quickly replaced daguerreotype and calotype.

As Thomson remarked: ‘the detail in wet-collodian negatives was of microscopic minuteness whilst presenting the finest gradation and printing quality which had never indeed been surpassed by any known method’. But this in itself added to his difficulties: it was necessary to make the negatives on glass plates that had to be coated with wet-collodian emulsion before the exposure was made, thus there was a large amount of cumbersome equipment that had to be carried from place to place.

Yet Thomson persevered. To endure hardship was part of his Victorian education. He showed enormous energy and stamina. Like many of his Victorian contemporaries, he was excited by the opening up of Africa and Asia to the West, and he shared in the enthusiasm for exploring exotic places. He believed that by using photography, ‘the explorer may add not only to the interest, but to the permanent value of his work’.  And ‘the camera should be a power in this age of instruction to instruct the age’.

In 1862, Thomson set out for Singapore, where he opened a studio and established himself as a professional portrait photographer. Meanwhile, he also became increasingly interested in the local culture and people. From Singapore he travelled into Malaya and Sumatra and took a number of photographs of local landscapes and people. In 1866, after moving to Bangkok, he made his first photographic expedition into Cambodia and Indo-China (Vietnam). His photographs of Cambodia and Siam (Thailand) established him as a serious travel photographer, and gained him membership of both the Ethnographic Society of London and the Royal Geographic Society.

During his second trip to Asia, Thomson based himself at the thriving British Crown Colony of Hong Kong in 1868. There he studied Chinese and Chinese culture while making a few short trips into Guangdong. Thomson’s major China expedition began in 1870. For two years he travelled extensively from Guangdong to Fujian, and then to eastern and northern China, including the imperial capital Beijing, before heading down to the River Yangtse, altogether covering nearly 5000 miles. In China, Thomson excelled as a photographer in quality, depth and breadth, and also in artistic sensibility. The experience he gained, and the techniques he developed, on the streets of Beijing laid the foundation for his Street Life in London, compiled five years later. This established him as the pioneer of photojournalism and one of the most influential photographers of his generation.

After returning to Britain, Thomson took up an active role informing the public about China. Besides giving illustrated presentations, he continuously published photographic and written works on China. He sensed that a profound transformation was taking place in the world, and ‘through the agency of steam and telegraphy, [China] is being brought day by day into closer relationship with ourselves … China cannot much longer lie undisturbed in statii quo.’  Undoubtedly his photographs contributed greatly to 19th-century Europe’s view of Asia and filled the visual gap between East and West. He became known as ‘China’ Thomson.

Yet what marked Thomson’s work out was not simply the massive amount of visual information he offered. His uniqueness was his zeal to present a faithful and precise, though not always agreeable, account of China and Chinese people. He wanted his audiences to witness China’s floods, famines, pestilences and civil wars; but even more so, he wanted share them the human aspect of life in China. He wanted his work to transcend that of the casual illustration of idiosyncratic types, to portray human beings as individuals full of peculiarities.

In 1920, Thomson decided to sell his 650 glass negatives, including those of China, to the Wellcome Historical Medical Museum, but died before the transaction could be completed. Eventually Henry Solomon Wellcome (1853–1936), the American-born pharmacist and philanthropist, bought the negatives from Thomson’s heirs.

Although Wellcome’s museum had a medical and historical theme, Wellcome was a cosmopolitan, and, in some aspects, compulsive collector. He also had an anthropological approach to history, and his ultimate aim was to create a Museum of Man, although this dream was never realised. After his death much of his collection, including Thomson’s negatives in three wooden crates, ended up in the Wellcome Library in London, where they remain today.

The 150 images included in this exhibition are all from the Wellcome Library’s collection. While a few images were reproduced in Thomson’s published works and shown in exhibitions, the great majority of his photographs have never been exhibited. Take, for example, the stereoscopes. Each of these negatives comprises two photographs taken from slightly different angles. Previously, due to the cost of photo-publishing, only one of the exposures was printed.

The images included for this exhibition have been chosen mainly for their locations, namely those of Beijing, Guangdong and Fujian.

The photographs Thomson took in Fujian and Guangdong are his strongest series of landscapes. But they also show his sensitivity.

The human aspect of his work was even more evident in his photos of the poor. In Guangdong and Fujian, he became increasingly concerned with the lives and conditions of ordinary Chinese.

As he travelled further, this concern developed. In the imperial capital of Beijing, Thomson not only displayed his talent as professional portrait photographer, his street scenes of Beijing showed that he was ahead of his time. These deeply moving images are sometimes compared to street photographs by the great 20th-century masters like Andre Kertesz, Henri Cartier-Bresson or Robert Doisneau. But more importantly, they will remain as incredibly valuable historical material for anyone wishing to understand 19th-century China and its people in their struggle to become modern.

Fujian Province, China



Provinsi Fujian adalah tanah nenek moyang saya yang meninggalkan tepi pantai provinsi ini pada abad ke-19 dan tenggelam akar di Nanyang – Laut Selatan. Atau dikenal sebagai Asia Tenggara. Mereka tinggal selama beberapa generasi di Malaysia sebelum ayah saya membuat jalan selatan ke dinamo pulau yang muncul dari Singapura yang meledak ekonomis tidak lama setelah ia tiba. Menjadi anak di luar negeri berkali-kali dihapus, saya tidak bisa memikirkan satu alasan mengapa saya harus jauh tertarik di Fujian, selain kepeduliannya motherlands yang memanggil semua yang meninggalkan pantainya dari ikan untuk unggas ke manusia. Melalui pembacaan latar belakang saya, saya ingin melukis pemandangan Anda dalam kata-kata. Mungkin suatu hari, aku akan bisa untuk mengisi stroke luas

(Kakek saya Gho kim Thian dating dari Cganzhou atau Tjiang tjioe Hokkien setelah pernah ikut ayahnya(ngkongtjo) ke Indonesia karena tidak mau menikah dengan wanita yang dipilih orang tuanya, Ia mengembara ke sumatera barat menuju kota Pajakumbuh, disana ia sebagai orang sinkek ditampung oleh ngkongtjo saya Tjoa Tjay hiok,ayah dari kakek saya Tjoa Gin Toen di Payakumbuh, dipekerjakan diperusahaan dagangnya,

Kmudian ia dijodohkan dengan anak saudaranya Tjoa giok Wan, dan ternyata putranya,ayah saya G.T.Bo(Djohan Oetama) kem menikah dengan putrid pamannya sendiri Anna Tjoa Giok Lan,

Ayah saya selalu memanggil mertuanya Ngkoe(paman).-

Tahun 2008 saya berkesempatan mengunjungi kampong halaman kakek saya versama isteri Lily ,yang berjarak 2 jam dengan Bus dari Xianmen dan perumahan seperti di kota Padang berada disamping suatu wihara yang sangat indah Kay yuan temple namanya,dengan suatu pagoda yang Indah,

saya heran mengapa kakek saya mau meninggalkan kota Changzhou yang begitu Indah,apakah mungkin karena pengaruh serangan Dai Nippon di Manchuria/ dan kemudian terjadi pembantaiaan di Nanking,mungkin saja, ngkongtjo saya pernah menyusul putranya Gho kim thian tetapi tidak bertemu muka hanya melambaikan tsnggan di pelabuhan Teluk Bayur saja,ini saat baru diketahui kakek saya sudah menikah dan tunagannya di tiongkok baru diputuskan.catatan dr Iwan)

Fujian province is the homeland of my ancestors who left the shores of this coastal province in the 19th century and sank roots in Nanyang – the South Seas. Otherwise known as South East Asia. They lived for generations in Malaysia before my father made his way south to the emerging island dynamo of Singapore which exploded economically not long after he arrived. Being an overseas son many times removed, I can’t think of a single reason why I should be remotely interested in Fujian, other than the stirrings of motherlands that call all who leave its shores from fish to fowl to mankind. Through my background readings, I’d like to paint you a landscape in words. Maybe one day, I’ll be able to fill in the broad strokes…

The Mountains of Fujian

Fujian is predominantly mountainous – walled in on the north, west and south sides. A truly spectacular sight. The precious arable flat land is rich but self limiting for a growing population.

There are over 1,000 islands off the Fujian coast which provides welcome fishing grounds for subsistence and over 600 species of fish.

The islands also provide the geographic shelter that created natural harbours for Fuzhou (Hokchew), Quanzhou (Chuanchew) and Xiamen (Amoy) to develop into trading ports

In fact, during the Tang dynasty of 608 – 907 AD – China’s Renaissance Period of culture, literature, trade and arts, Chuanchew was a mecca for Arab and European traders who called the city Zaytun.

At the height of such international travel and trade, Hokkiens began to follow the trading routes into South East Asia and setting up trading settlements.

Thus began the Fujian Exodus.


The Fujian Exodus is a story of hope and inspiration.

Of pioneering and sacrifice.

It is a legacy that we can all be proud of.





Trade Winds Fan The Flames Of Fujian Migration

Dibutuhkan hanya tiga hari
dengan  sampah untuk mencapai Manila dari Fujian. Manila adalah pusat strategis perdagangan galleon di pusat Asia. Manila adalah depot perdagangan perak Meksiko pada rute ke China sebagai pembayaran atas sutra dan porselen.

Para Hokkiens baik siap untuk bertindak sebagai perantara di Manila untuk perdagangan ini dan segera membentuk sebuah komunitas yang masih berlangsung hingga hari ini.



It takes only three days for a junk to reach Manila from Fujian. Manila was a strategic hub of the galleon trade in the centre of Asia. Manila was a trade depot for Mexican silver on route to China as payment for silk and porcelain. The Hokkiens were well poised to act as intermediaries in Manila for this trade and soon formed a community that still thrives today.

Perdagangan Bebas di Singapura dan Malaya
Janji keberuntungan terbatas terletak di jantung perdagangan bebas Asia Tenggara – Singapura dan Malaysia – kemudian dikenal sebagai Settlements Selat Singapura, Penang dan Malaka.
Semua tiga kota adalah pelabuhan alam dan pelabuhan seperti Amoy dan Chuanchew. Hokkiens pergi dari pelabuhan ke pelabuhan dan membentuk masyarakat yang mengakar sampai hari ini.
Ke hari Penang, Malaka dan Singapura dan dialek Min’Nan masih Fraca lingua paling Cina di sana

Free Trade in Singapore and Malaya

The promise of limitless fortune lay in the free trade heartland of South East Asia – Singapore and Malaysia – then known as the Straits Settlements of Singapore, Penang and Malacca.

All three cities were natural ports and harbours like Amoy and Chuanchew. Hokkiens went from port to port and formed communities that are entrenched to this day.

Go to Penang, Malacca and Singapore today and the Min’Nan dialect is still the lingua fraca of most Chinese there.

Warisan Keberanian dan Ketahanan
Tan Kah Kee. Kekasih
Patriot Cina yang memimpin kampanye penggalangan dana dari Singapura untuk membantu anti-perang upaya China dalam Perang Dunia 2. Dia dihormati di Singapura Hokkien Huay Kuan, terbesar dialek bangsa asosiasi klan.
Jimei juga merupakan kota kelahiran Mr Tan Kah Kee-, pemimpin Cina terkenal di luar negeri yang mengabdikan homself sepenuhnya terhadap pendidikan cause.He mulai berbagai sekolah di kota, termasuk Sekolah Jimei normal, Jimei Navigasi Institute, Xiamen Aquatic Produk Technical Institute dan Pertanian Sekolah selain TK Jimei, Jimei Sekolah Dasar dan Sekolah Menengah Jimei.

Kediaman mantan Mr.Tan Kah-Kee terletak di Jalan Jiageng di kota Jimei.It masih menjaga penampilan lama untuk dikunjungi dan direnungkan. Mr.Tan Kah-kee tinggal hemat sepanjang hidupnya. Tidak ada yang dapat tetap bergeming ketika mereka melihat betapa sederhananya  pakaian yang mereka kebutuhan sehari-hari
Tan Kah Kee didirikan Amoy University di Xiamen dan membangun sebuah distrik sekolah untuk memajukan penyebab pendidikan di provinsi rumah kami. Pada kematiannya, ia diberi pemakaman kenegaraan oleh Beijing.


Legacies of Courage and Resilience

Tan Kah Kee. Beloved China Patriot who led the fund raising campaign from Singapore to aid China’s anti-war effort in World War 2. He honoured in Singapore’s Hokkien Huay Kuan, the nation’s largest dialect clan association.

Jimei is also the hometown of Mr. Tan Kah-Kee, a famous overseas Chinese leader who devoted homself wholly to the education cause.He had started various schools in the town, including Jimei Normal School,Jimei Navigation Institute, Xiamen Aquatic Products Technical Institute and Agriculture School besides Jimei Kindergarden, Jimei Primary School and Jimei Middle School.


The former residence of Mr.Tan Kah-Kee is situated on Jiageng Road in the town of Jimei.It is still keeping its old looks to be visited and pondered. Mr.Tan Kah-kee was living frugally all his life. No one can keep unmoved when they see how simple those daily necessities and clothings are.

Tan Kah Kee established Amoy University in Xiamen and built a school district to further the cause of education in our home province. At his death, he was given a state funeral by Beijing.

(Perlu dilakukan penelitian situasi di Padang sumatera barat yang situasi hamper sama ,walaupun tentunya agak berbeda akibat pengaruh situasi, seperti Kakek iibu saya ,ayak dari nenek saya Tan Kim soan yang bernama Tan giok lin dating dari Filipina bersama isteri yang juga dari Hokian,dan saat isterinya meninggal menikah dengan putrid Minangkabau Asli dan memeluk agama Isdlam, ia mendirikan Bioskop pertama di kota Padang bernama Scalabio,saat meninggal dengan penguburan menurut agama Islam dan dikuburkan dikuburan Islam Pasir Angek dipinggir pantai dekat kuburan keramat Kiai Islam,saat ini sudah dibongkar dan kuburannya dipindahkan ke tabing.catatan dr Iwan)



Hokkiens as a rule, migrated without their women, to save them from a life of hardship worse than the one they leave behind. Consequently, marriages with local Malay women in Singapore, Malaya and the Philippines created a new line of Chinese descendants who never knew the motherland.

In the Philippines, they were known as the Chinese mestizos.

The most famous mestizo of all was none other than the national hero of the Philippines – Jose Rizal, a Philippines patriot who engineered a failed revolution against the Spanish colonialists and was martyred..(The dsam in Indonesia Dr Iwan Note)



Divided nationalism (1900–1949)[edit source | editbeta]



Chinese language school owned by the Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan in Sungailiat, Bangka

The Chinese revolutionary figure Sun Yat-sen visited southeast Asia in 1900,[40] and later that year the socio-religious organization Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan (中華 會館), also known as the Chinese Association, was founded. Their goal was to urge ethnic Chinese in the Indies to support the revolutionary movement in China.


Tionghoa Cianjur 1890

In its effort to build Chinese-speaking schools the association argued that the teaching of the English and Chinese languages should be prioritized over Dutch, to provide themselves with the means of taking, in the words of Phoa Keng Hek, “a two or three-day voyage (Java–Singapore) into a wider world where they can move freely” and overcome restrictions of their activities.[41]

Several years later the Dutch authorities abandoned its segregation policies, abolished travel permits for the ethnic Chinese, and allowed them to freely move throughout the colony.

The 1911 Xinhai Revolution and the 1912 founding of the Republic of China coincided with a growing Chinese-nationalist movement within the Indies.[40]

Although there was no recognizable nationalist movement among the indigenous population until 1908, Dutch authorities feared that nationalist sentiments would spread with the growth of ethnically mixed associations, known as kongsi.

In 1911 some Javanese members of the Kong Sing association in Surakarta broke away and clashed with the ethnic Chinese.

This incident led to the creation of Sarekat Islam, the first organized popular nationalist movement in the Indies. Indigenous groups saw the Chinese nationalist sentiment as “haughty”, leading to mutual antagonism.[42]


The anti-Chinese sentiment spread throughout Java in 1918 and led to mass violence orchestrated by members of Sarekat Islam on the ethnic Chinese in Kudus.[43] Following this incident the left-wing Chinese nationalist daily Sin Po called on both sides to work together to improve living conditions because it considered most ethnic Chinese, like most of the indigenous population, to be poor.[44]



Early draft of the Indonesia Raya, later adopted as a national anthem, in a 1928 weekly edition of the Sin Po newspaper[45]

Sin Po first went into print in 1910 and began gaining momentum as the leading advocate of Chinese political nationalism in 1917. The ethnic Chinese who followed its stream of thought refused any involvement with local institutions and would only participate in politics relating to mainland China.[46]

A second stream was later formed by wealthy ethnic Chinese who received an education at Dutch-run schools. This Dutch-oriented group wished for increased participation in local politics, Dutch education for the ethnic Chinese, and the furthering of ethnic Chinese economic standing within the colonial economy. Championed by the Volksraad‘s sole ethnic Chinese representative Kan Hok Hoei, this movement gained momentum and reached its peak with the Chung Hwa Congress of 1927 and the 1928 formation of the Chung Hwa Hui party, which elected Kan as its president. The editor-in-chief of the Madjallah Panorama news magazine criticized Sin Po for misguiding the ethnic Chinese by pressuring them into a Chinese-nationalist stance.[47]

In 1932 pro-Indonesian counterparts founded the Partai Tionghoa Indonesia to support absorption of the ethnic Chinese into the Javanese population and support the call for self-government of Indonesia. Members of this group were primarily peranakan.[48] This division resurfaced at the end of the period of Japanese occupation (1942–1945).[49] Under the occupation ethnic Chinese communities were attacked by Japanese forces, in part owing to suspicions that they contained sympathizers of the Kuomintang as a consequence of the Second Sino-Japanese War. When the Dutch returned, following the end of World War II, the chaos caused by advancing forces and retreating revolutionaries also saw radical Muslim groups attack ethnic Chinese communities.[43]

Although revolutionary leaders were sympathetic toward the ethnic Chinese, they were unable to stop the sporadic violence. Those who were affected fled from the rural areas to Dutch-controlled cities, a move many Indonesians saw as proof of pro-Dutch sentiments.[50] There was evidence, however, that Chinese Indonesians were represented and participated in independence efforts. Four members of the Committee for the Investigation of the Preparation for Indonesian Independence (Badan Penyelidik Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, BPUPKI) and one member on the Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence (Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, PPKI) had Chinese names


Tionhoa hwe  koan school





Indonesian traditions and beliefs have exerted a strong influence over those ethnic Chinese migrants who have resided in the country for generations.

Most came to Indonesia during the 12th & 15th centuries thereby making Peranakan settlement & history in Indonesia older than that of Malaya’s.

The long-resident Peranakan, or Straits Chinese, who have settled mostly in Java and other outer islands such as the Riau islands, West Kalimantan and Sumatra, are the earliest examples of assimilation in Indonesian society.

The Peranakans are descendents of Chinese merchants, males who came unaccompanied to the East Indies for the lucrative spice trade.

Many of these immigrants married the local Indonesian women and their descendents are today known as the Peranakan, meaning local born. Peranakan Culture in Indonesia was just as similar and identical to that of Singapore and Malaysian Peranakan Culture in more ways than one.


Photo above:

Old Photos of Indonesian Peranakans & an old Peranakan book in Dutch (right).



After the late 19th century, the invention of the steamship facilitated the flow of Chinese migrants to Indonesia, who this time came accompanied by their wives and families.

Unlike the Peranakans, these Pure Chinese, or Totoks as they were known, had Chinese families and retained the use of the Chinese language, dress and customs.

They kept their mainland Chinese culture for generations and saw to the establishment of Chinese schools, newspapers and most eminently, Chinese business networks.


Historians today have largely attributed the prosperous economic activity among the Chinese as the reason for the Dutch colonial policy that segregated the Totoks and Peranakans from the rest of the Indonesian community.

This led to no small measure of misunderstanding and jealousy among the two groups.

The Peranakan Chinese population in Indonesia numbers at 6 million people out of a total Chinese population of 9 million while the Totok or Pure Chinese Community numbers at around 3 million or so.

Making them the largest Peranakan Chinese community in the entire world. Singapore and Malaysia however only have a miniscule 500,000 Peranakan Chinese each.

This explains why the overwhelming majority Indonesian Chinese only converse to each other in local Indonesian dialects and Bahasa Indonesia and not in Mandarin.

The Dutch imposed a policy of seperation that gave powers and trading priveleges to the Peranakan & Totok Communities.

As a result they were known as Chukongs or Kapitan Cina and controlled vast areas of land, plantation, coal and gold mines, diamond & tin mines and the like. Therefore the wealth and prestige of the Peranakan Chinese in Indonesia was similar to that of those in the Straits Settements


Above: Indonesian Nonyas dressed in the sarung kebaya for important events and functions. Peranakan Culture in Indonesia has largely died outdue to the numerous and anti Chinese policies that were so prevalent in the past. However in spite of these issues Peranakan Culture in the form of Food and Language has survived till this very day. Ayam Buah Keluak, Kueh Lapis and Kueh Bengka Ambon are just some of the cultural contributions that the Indonesian Peranakans have given to the rest of the Peranakan Communities in Malaya. The lovely sarung kebaya itself as we know it originated in Indonesia itself not in the Straits Settlements as it was invented by the Indonesian Chinese Peranakans themselves.




Indies-Chinese nationalism in the early 20th century was shaped by the transformation of the Chinese community in the Dutch East Indies.

The Chinese community in this period was characterised by the division between the Totok and the Peranakan communities, and by the growing influence of the Totok community.

Skinner views the distinction between the Totok and the Peranakan communities as cultural: the Totok community was characterised by its pure Chinese culture, while the peranakan community was characterised by its cross Chinese-Javanese culture. The construction of a united Chinese community could have been achieved if a single community of Totoks and Peranakans had been constructed. I shall now proceed to explain why this was not achieved.

The expansion of the Totok community at the beginning of the 20th century was a consequence of the inability of the Peranakan community to completely assimilate the new Chinese migrants who had arrived from China to take advantage of the economic development of the Dutch East Indies.

This massive migration of labourers can be identified as belonging to the Huagong pattern. From the 1900s this migration started to include women, and this gave the male migrants the freedom to choose not to settle with peranakan or indigenous women; this weakened one route of assimilation into the peranakan community.

The large proportion of Hakka and Cantonese dialect groups among the migrants also weakened assimilation since the Peranakan community was distinctly Hokkien.


Above: Indonesian Nonyas dressed in the sarung kebaya for important events and functions. In 1909 the Qing government issued the Nationality Law which declared all overseas Chinese to be Chinese nationals, this raised Huaqiao consciousness as it gave a legal basis for China-orientation. This consciousness prevented assimilation into the Peranakan community as the new migrants were motivated to maintain and propagate their pure Chinese culture. Indeed, the Totok community actively sought to re-sinicize the peranakan community, as seen in the efforts of institutions such as the Totok press and Totok-dominated Tiong Hoa Hwee Koan (THHK) schools to revive Peranakan interest in Chinese culture and to establish a China-oriented world-view.

Just as the Peranakan community failed to assimilate the Huagong migrants, contributing to the rise of the Totok community, the Totok community failed in its goal of re-sinicizing the Peranakan community. One fundamental reason was that the peranakans perceived China to be an alien land. This was due to the vast difference between peranakan and Chinese culture, and the fact that most peranakans perceived the Dutch East Indies to be their homeland. In the late 1910s a group of peranakan leaders migrated to China; all but one found China to be an alien place to live. Dutch efforts to prevent the re-sinification of the Peranakans also contributed to the continuance of the Indies Dutch-orientation of the Peranakan community.


Photo Above: Books on emborideing Nonya Kebaya & Indonesian Peranakan History. The fact that unhappiness with Dutch policy was a central motivation behind the apparent unity between the Peranakan and the Totok communities can be seen in the Dutch Nationality Law (DNL) issue. Apart from dismantling unpopular policies, the Dutch sought to maintain the Indies-orientation of the peranakan Chinese through the establishment of Dutch-Chinese schools, the first of which was established in 1908. These schools were a reaction to the THHK schools, and they were popular with the peranakan community. The Dutch-Chinese schools eventually grew to be more popular than the THHK schools with the Peranakan community, as the latter were seen to be suitable only for those living in China. By the late 1930s, it was clear that the THHK schools serviced the Totok community, while the Dutch-Chinese schools serviced the Peranakan community. [15] The China-oriented nationalist attempt to re-sinicize the Peranakan community through education had failed.


Photo above: Indonesian Peranakan Festivasl held yearly at Tangerang and Jakarta with Dondnag Sayang troupe. The failure of the attempt to unify the Chinese community under the China-oriented nationalist movement is most clearly demonstrated by the establishment of the all-peranakan Chung Hua Hui (CHH) in 1927, which was the first of the major all-peranakan organisations.

This marked the peranakan rejection of China-oriented nationalism and the totok-dominated pan-Chinese organisations.

But as Skinner points out, this disunity was already evident in the 1917 Semarang conference.

Suryadinata notes that among the participants of this conference can be identified a small group of Peranakan leaders such as Kan Hok Hoei (H. H. Kan) who did not seek protection from China and who sought collaboration with the Dutch in order to protect their interests. H. H. Kan would eventually help establish the CHH, which was an Indies-oriented organisation. It sought to promote the interests of the Indies-Chinese community through collaboration with the Dutch, as manifested in its participation in the Volksraad. In contrast, the China-oriented nationalist movement rejected involvement in local politics, as seen in the Semarang conference’s declaration that the Indies Chinese should not participate in the Volksraad. The CHH failed to unify the peranakan community, much less the Indies-Chinese community.


Above Photo: Shows one of the panels at the Peranakan Festival in Jakarta describing the Sarung Kebaya called Kebaya Encim in Indonesia used by the Nonyas and old Bibiks there. In response to what was seen as the CHH’s pro-Dutch position, a group of Indonesian-oriented Peranakans established the Partai Tionghoa Indonesia (PTI) in 1932. The PTI, seeking political assimilation of the Chinese in the indigenous Indonesian society, was anti-colonial and supported the Indonesian nationalist movement. The establishment of the PTI marked the internal division in the Indies-oriented peranakan community between the pro-Dutch and Indonesian-oriented groups. Like the CHH, the PTI was unable to unite the peranakan community, much less the Indies-Chinese community. Lacking the support of Peranakan big business that the CHH enjoyed, the PTI was politically weaker than the CHH.

In the early 20th century the Indies-Chinese community hence was divided into three groups. The first was the China-oriented group, mainly consisting of the totok community. The second was the Indies-oriented Peranakan pro-Dutch CHH. The third was the Indonesian-oriented Peranakan PTI. This division was manifested in the geographical dispersal of these groups’ centres of power. The China-oriented group was based in Batavia, which was the gateway into the Dutch East Indies for new Chinese migrants. The CHH was based in Semarang, which possessed an old and established Peranakan community and which was also a centre for Peranakan big business. The PTI was based in Surabaya, which was a centre for contact between Indonesian nationalists and Peranakans.


Above Photo: Peranakan Cultural Exhibitions & Festivals being held in different parts of Indonesia. The inability of each of these three groups to establish hegemony over the others led to the disunity of the Indies-Chinese community. The China-oriented nationalists failed to reconstruct the Indies-orientation of the Peranakans, largely due to Dutch efforts to prevent the peranakans from becoming China-orientated. The Indies-orientated pro-Dutch CHH was rejected by the anti-colonial Peranakan group. The Indonesian-oriented PTI was politically weak and could not gain political strength beyond East Java. The Chinese community in the Dutch East Indies hence was characterised by disunity prior to the Second World War. After Independence from Holland, anti Chinese Demonstrations, massacres, killings and riots obliterated Peranakan Chinese Associations, Culture and Position. Anti Chinese policies and outright discrimination further worsened Peranakan Chinese influence as many Peranakans immigrated to Holland, Australia and other western countries. This immigration is continuing at quite a considerable scale till this very day.

The situation today however is vastly different & has greatly improved as more Indonesian Nonyas are using the kebaya their grandmothers used to use and having yearly Peranakan Festivals on a simlar scale to that of their Malaysian, Thai and Singapore Peranakans cousins. There has been a revival of Peranakan culture in the last 10 decades in Indonesia ever since Chinese New Year has been declared part of a National Holiday. There has been the numerous openings of Indonesian Peranakan restaurants, cultural & antique shops, musuems, festivals, exhibitions and special events held to showcase and promote Peranakan culture all over the Indonesian islands






Padang Chinese community formed the organization, with the goal of serving the needs of members in the social and cultural fields.


Old West Sumatra Map

Look more











Kapitan Cina or Capitan China was originally a Portuguese title for the representative of a Chinese enclave.[1][2] The 15th century rulers of Southeast Asia, such as Melaka (modern day Malacca) and Banten (or Bantam), chose to deal with a single individual from each ethnic group under their rule.[3][4] This administrative method of indirect rule was later adopted by the Portuguese when they took over Melaka in the 16th century, as well as the Dutch in the Dutch East Indies, and the English in British Malaya.[3]


Kapitan can Surabaya 1880

Throughout Southeast Asia, Batavia (now Jakarta) arguably boasts the longest continuous history of the institution of Kapitan Cina: see the official website of the Koang Koan Archives at Leiden University. In 1619, the Dutch appointed Souw Beng Kong, formerly Kapitan Cina of Bantam, as the first Kapitein der Chinezen of Batavia. Through Kapitein Beng Kong, then, the Batavian Captaincy succeeded the much-earlier institution of Kapitan Cina of Bantam. Batavia also produced probably Asia’s only female Kapitan Cina, the so-called Nyai Bali, who was appointed officially by the VOC to her post in 1649: see Yuan Bingling, “The Last Resort” in Blussé, Leonard & Chen, Menghong, “The Archives of the Kongkoan of Batavia” (Den Haag, 2003), pp. 30-31). The Batavian Captaincy ended in 1945 with the death of Khouw Kim An, the last Majoor der Chinezen of Batavia, possibly also the last such intermediary rulers in Southeast Asia. The issue of a Luitenant, Kapitein or Majoor der Chinesen are entitled, by Peranakan custom, to the hereditary dignity of Sia.

With the end of the colonial period, the title became purely an honorary one.[3]

Masa-masa awal



Seorang pria Tionghoa berkuncir (toucang) di jalanan Batavia pertengahan tahun 1910-an.

Orang dari Tiongkok daratan telah ribuan tahun mengunjungi dan mendiami kepulauan Nusantara.

Beberapa catatan tertua ditulis oleh para agamawan, seperti Fa Hien pada abad ke-4 dan I Ching pada abad ke-7. Fa Hien melaporkan suatu kerajaan di Jawa (“To lo mo”) dan I Ching ingin datang ke India untuk mempelajari agama Buddha dan singgah dulu di Nusantara untuk belajar bahasa Sansekerta dahulu. Di Jawa ia berguru pada seseorang bernama Jñânabhadra.

Dengan berkembangnya kerajaan-kerajaan di Nusantara, para imigran Tiongkok pun mulai berdatangan, terutama untuk kepentingan perdagangan. Pada prasasti-prasasti dari Jawa orang Cina disebut-sebut sebagai warga asing yang menetap di samping nama-nama sukubangsa dari Nusantara, daratan Asia Tenggara dan anakbenua India. Dalam suatu prasasti perunggu bertahun 860 dari Jawa Timur disebut suatu istilah, Juru Cina, yang berkait dengan jabatan pengurus orang-orang Tionghoa yang tinggal di sana. Beberapa motif relief di Candi Sewu diduga juga mendapat pengaruh dari motif-motif kain sutera Tiongkok.[8]

Catatan Ma Huan, ketika turut serta dalam ekspedisi Cheng Ho, menyebut secara jelas bahwa pedagang Cina muslim menghuni ibukota dan kota-kota bandar Majapahit (abad ke-15) dan membentuk satu dari tiga komponen penduduk kerajaan itu.[9] Ekspedisi Cheng Ho juga meninggalkan jejak di Semarang, ketika orang keduanya, Wang Jinghong, sakit dan memaksa rombongan melepas sauh di Simongan (sekarang bagian dari Kota Semarang). Wang kemudian menetap karena tidak mampu mengikuti ekspedisi selanjutnya. Ia dan pengikutnya menjadi salah satu cikal-bakal warga Tionghoa Semarang. Wang mengabadikan Cheng Ho menjadi sebuah patung (disebut “Mbah Ledakar Juragan Dampo Awang Sam Po Kong”), serta membangun kelenteng Sam Po Kong atau Gedung Batu.[10] Di komplek ini Wang juga dikuburkan dan dijuluki “Mbah Jurumudi Dampo Awang”.[11]

Sejumlah sejarawan juga menunjukkan bahwa Raden Patah, pendiri Kesultanan Demak, memiliki darah Tiongkok selain keturunan Majapahit. Beberapa wali penyebar agama Islam di Jawa juga memiliki darah Tiongkok, meskipun mereka memeluk Islam dan tidak lagi secara aktif mempraktekkan kultur Tionghoa.

Kitab Sunda Tina Layang Parahyang menyebutkan kedatangan rombongan Tionghoa ke muara Ci Sadane (sekarang Teluknaga) pada tahun 1407, di masa daerah itu masih di bawah kekuasaan Kerajaan Sunda (Pajajaran). Pemimpinnya adalah Halung dan mereka terdampar sebelum mencapai tujuan di Kalapa.



Ilustrasi pedagang Tionghoa di Banten

Era kolonial

Di masa kolonial, Belanda pernah mengangkat beberapa pemimpin komunitas dengan gelar Kapiten Cina, yang diwajibkan setia dan menjadi penghubung antara pemerintah dengan komunitas Tionghoa. Beberapa di antara mereka ternyata juga telah berjasa bagi masyarakat umum, misalnya So Beng Kong dan Phoa Beng Gan yang membangun kanal di Batavia[rujukan?]. Di Yogyakarta, Kapiten Tan Djin Sing sempat menjadi Bupati Yogyakarta.[12]


Pembantaian orang Tionghoa tanggal 9 Oktober 1740 di Batavia

Sebetulnya terdapat juga kelompok Tionghoa yang pernah berjuang melawan Belanda, baik sendiri maupun bersama etnis lain. Bersama etnis Jawa, kelompok Tionghoa berperang melawan VOC tahun 17401743.[rujukan?] Di Kalimantan Barat, komunitas Tionghoa yang tergabung dalam “Republik” Lanfong[rujukan?] berperang dengan pasukan Belanda pada abad XIX.

Dalam perjalanan sejarah pra kemerdekaan, beberapa kali etnis Tionghoa menjadi sasaran pembunuhan massal atau penjarahan, seperti pembantaian di Batavia 1740 dan pembantaian masa perang Jawa 1825-1830. Pembantaian di Batavia tersebut [13][14][4] melahirkan gerakan perlawanan dari etnis Tionghoa yang bergerak di beberapa kota di Jawa Tengah yang dibantu pula oleh etnis Jawa. Pada gilirannya ini mengakibatkan pecahnya kerajaan Mataram. Orang Tionghoa tidak lagi diperbolehkan bermukim di sembarang tempat. Aturan Wijkenstelsel ini menciptakan pemukiman etnis Tionghoa atau pecinan di sejumlah kota besar di Hindia Belanda.



Daerah Pecinan di Banjarmasin.



Kelenteng Tua Pek Kong di Ketapang.


Kebangkitan nasionalisme di Hindia Belanda tidak terlepas dari perkembangan yang terjadi pada komunitas Tionghoa. Tanggal 17 Maret 1900 terbentuk di Batavia Tiong Hoa Hwee Koan (THHK) yang mendirikan sekolah-sekolah, seperti di kota Garut dirintis dan didirikan pada tahun 1907 oleh seorang pengusaha hasil bumi saat itu bernama Lauw O Teng beserta kedua anak lelakinya bernama Lauw Tek Hay dan Lauw Tek Siang,dengan maksud agar orang Tionghoa bisa pintar, (kemudian jumlahnya mencapai 54 buah sekolah dan di tahun 1908 dan mencapai 450 sekolah tahun 1934). Inisiatif ini diikuti oleh etnis lain, seperti keturunan Arab yang mendirikan Djamiat-ul Chair meniru model THHK. Pada gilirannya hal ini menyadarkan priyayi Jawa tentang pentingnya pendidikan bagi generasi muda sehingga dibentuklah Budi Utomo.


Target pemerintah kolonial untuk mencegah interaksi pribumi dengan etnis Tionghoa melalui aturan passenstelsel dan Wijkenstelsel itu ternyata menciptakan konsentrasi kegiatan ekonomi orang Tionghoa di perkotaan. Ketika perekonomian dunia beralih ke sektor industri, orang-orang Tionghoa paling siap berusaha dengan spesialisasi usaha makanan-minuman, jamu, peralatan rumah tangga, bahan bangunan, pemintalan, batik, kretek dan transportasi. Tahun 1909 di Buitenzorg (Bogor) Sarekat Dagang Islamiyah didirikan oleh RA Tirtoadisuryo mengikuti model Siang Hwee (kamar dagang orang Tionghoa) yang dibentuk tahun 1906 di Batavia. Bahkan pembentukan Sarekat Islam (SI) di Surakarta tidak terlepas dari pengaruh asosiasi yang lebih dulu dibuat oleh warga Tionghoa. Pendiri SI, Haji Samanhudi, pada mulanya adalah anggota Kong Sing, organisasi paguyuban tolong-menolong orang Tionghoa di Surakarta. Samanhudi juga kemudian membentuk Rekso Rumekso yaitu Kong Sing-nya orang Jawa.


Pemerintah kolonial Belanda makin kuatir karena Sun Yat Sen memproklamasikan Republik Cina, Januari 1912. Organisasi Tionghoa yang pada mulanya berkecimpung dalam bidang sosial-budaya mulai mengarah kepada politik. Tujuannya menghapuskan perlakukan diskriminatif terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa di Hindia Belanda dalam bidang pendidikan, hukum/peradilan, status sipil, beban pajak, hambatan bergerak dan bertempat tinggal.

Dalam rangka pelaksanaan Politik Etis, pemerintah kolonial berusaha memajukan pendidikan, namun warga Tionghoa tidak diikutkan dalam program tersebut. Padahal orang Tionghoa membayar pajak ganda (pajak penghasilan dan pajak kekayaan). Pajak penghasilan diwajibkan kepada warga pribumi yang bukan petani. Pajak kekayaan (rumah, kuda, kereta, kendaraan bermotor dan peralatan rumah tangga) dikenakan hanya bagi Orang Eropa dan Timur Asing (termasuk orang etnis Tionghoa). Hambatan untuk bergerak dikenakan bagi warga Tionghoa dengan adanya passenstelsel.

Pada waktu terjadinya Sumpah Pemuda, ada beberapa nama dari kelompok Tionghoa sempat hadir, antara lain Kwee Tiam Hong dan tiga pemuda Tionghoa lainnya. Sin Po sebagai koran Melayu Tionghoa juga sangat banyak memberikan sumbangan dalam menyebarkan informasi yang bersifat nasionalis. Pada 1920-an itu, harian Sin Po memelopori penggunaan kata Indonesia bumiputera sebagai pengganti kata Belanda inlander di semua penerbitannya. Langkah ini kemudian diikuti oleh banyak harian lain. Sebagai balas budi, semua pers lokal kemudian mengganti kata “Tjina” dengan kata Tionghoa. Pada 1931 Liem Koen Hian mendirikan PTI, Partai Tionghoa Indonesia (dan bukan Partai Tjina Indonesia).


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