Kisah Tawanan perang Dai Nippon bagian ketiga 1942-1945(The dai Nippon Prisoner Of War from Indonesia To Burma)

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KISAH TAWANAN PERANG DAI NIPPON DI iNDONESIA

KISAH TAWANAN PERANG DAI NIPPON BAGIAN KETIGA 1942-1945

THE DAI NIPPON POW PART THREE 1942-1945

EDWARD SAMUEL STENING Lees Bedah Letnan Komandan (Petugas Medis)
HMAS Perth

 
 

Sam Stening lahir di Sydney 14 Mei 1910. Ia dididik di Sydney High School Boys. Dia menghadiri Medical School di Sydney University dan lulus pada tahun 1932. Dia tamtama di Angkatan Laut Australia pada 21 September 1939 dan menghabiskan lima bulan di Canberra penjelajah berat sebelum diposting ke Waterhen pada tanggal 17 Oktober 1940. Dia berada di HMAS Waterhen saat tenggelam di Laut Mediterania. Dia kemudian bergabung HMAS Perth sebagai Chief Medical asisten kapal. Tymms Chief Medical Komandan kapal tewas dalam aksi.

Pada akhir Februari 1942, Jepang telah menangkap Malaya, Singapura, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, Timor dan Kepulauan lainnya di Asia Tenggara. Berikut adalah rekening pendek dari peristiwa yang memuncak dalam tenggelamnya HMAS Perth -.

HMAS PERTH adalah kapal penjelajah ringan dari 6830 ton. Dia membual kecepatan 32,5 knot, dipersenjatai dengan 24 senapan kaliber bervariasi dan 8 tabung torpedo, dan untuk mereka yang menyukai hal untuk kapal, memakai garis-garis halus. PERTH masuk ke dalam pelayanan RAN pada tanggal 10 Juli 1939. Dia melihat pelayanan yang luas di Atlantik, Mediterania, Samudra Hindia, dan perairan Australia sebelum memulai mereparasi di Sydney pada bulan Juli 1941.
Pada tanggal 14 Februari 1942, PERTH berlayar untuk Teater Jawa setelah periode latihan dan patroli yang mengikuti mereparasi nya, di mana Kapten Hector Waller, DSO dan bar, telah diasumsikan perintah. Pada tanggal 26 Februari, kapal ini berangkat dari Surabaya pada perusahaan USS Houston dan kapal penjelajah Belanda dan Inggris lainnya, serta perusak Belanda dan Inggris. Pada malam 27-28 Februari gabungan Amerika, Inggris, Belanda dan Australia (ABDA) memaksa pasukan Jepang terlibat dalam Pertempuran bencana dari Laut Jawa, dari yang hanya PERTH dan HOUSTON selamat dalam keadaan operasional cocok.
PERTH dan Houston tiba di Tanjung Priok pada tanggal 28 Februari setelah hari dan tindakan malam itu baru saja terjadi dari Surabaya. Sayangnya, stok bahan bakar yang rendah dan PERTH hanya bisa menerima 50% dari kapasitas totalnya. Malam yang sama, kedua kapal berlayar di bawah perintah untuk melanjutkan melalui Selat Sunda ke Cilacap.
Tepat sebelum tengah malam, kapal itu terlihat. Ketika ditantang ia terbukti menjadi perusak Jepang dan segera terlibat. Tak lama setelah itu, kapal lain yang terlihat di utara dan persenjataan PERTH dipecah agar terlibat lebih dari satu target. PERTH dan Houston benar-benar datang di kapal-kapal angkatan laut Jepang melindungi pasukan invasi Jawa Barat sekitar 50 kapal, yang dilakukan mendarat di Banten Bay, Jawa. Selama aksi, sejumlah besar kapal perusak musuh menyerang dari segala arah. Berdasarkan peluang besar, terbukti mustahil untuk melibatkan semua target sekaligus. Akhirnya, beberapa kapal perusak Jepang mampu dekat dengan rentang yang sangat singkat.
Pada tahap ini, pria PERTH itu telah dalam pertempuran selama tiga hari terus menerus. Pada sekitar tengah malam, dilaporkan bahwa sangat sedikit 6 “amunisi untuk senjata utama kapal yang tersisa, jadi Kapten Waller memutuskan untuk mencoba untuk memaksa suatu bagian melalui Selat Sunda Dia memerintahkan kecepatan penuh dan tentu saja diubah untuk toppers Island.. PERTH nyaris tidak mantap di jalur ketika ia dipukul pada sisi kanan oleh torpedo Kapten Waller memberi perintah untuk mempersiapkan diri untuk meninggalkan kapal.. Beberapa saat kemudian yang lain torpedo menyerang tepat di depan hit pertama, dan Kapten memberikan perintah untuk meninggalkan kapal. Setelah lima atau sepuluh menit torpedo buritan ketiga memukul dengan baik di sisi kanan ini diikuti lama kemudian oleh torpedo keempat, yang melanda di sisi pelabuhan;. kapal kemudian dikoreksi sendiri, berhak ke pelabuhan dan tenggelam sekitar 1230 pada pagi hari dari 1 Maret 1942 USS Houston masih bertempur dengan gagah berani meskipun buruk pada api.. Dia terkena torpedo dan tenggelam lama kemudian dekat perairan pantai.
Sebagian besar awak kapal PERTH ditinggalkan antara torpedo kedua dan ketiga, tetapi diragukan apakah ada kapal berhasil diluncurkan. Selama operasi kapal meninggalkan, PERTH berada di bawah api dari beberapa kapal jarak dekat, banyak yang membuat tembakan langsung yang menyebabkan korban tambahan. Tragisnya, banyak perusahaan kapal tewas atau terluka dalam air oleh ledakan dua terakhir torpedo dan kerang meledak di dekatnya. Pada saat kehilangannya, perusahaan kapal yang PERTH yang berjumlah 681 personil. 353 (termasuk Kapten Waller) tidak bertahan hidup tenggelam. Mereka yang berjumlah 328. Sayangnya, hampir semua dibawa ke dalam pembuangan sebagai tawanan perang, dan pada akhir permusuhan, hanya 214 orang dipulangkan ke Australia.
Account bagian dari waktu Sam Stening dari tenggelamnya Perth ke waktu di Serang di pulau Jawa ditutupi (seperti halnya kata-kata tertulis dapat dilakukan) dalam buku Echo Bangga oleh Ronald McKie. Dalam Echo Bangga dikatakan bahwa Sam Stening mengalami tengkoraknya retak pada saat tenggelamnya kapal tersebut. Berikut ini adalah kutipan dari teks Medis dihormati Timur Tengah dan Timur Jauh oleh AS Walker: –

“… Banyak yang lebih terluka parah tidak bertahan cobaan dari jam di air, yang ditutupi dengan minyak bakar padat. Bedah Letnan S. E. L. Stening R.A.N. yang terluka, adalah antara mereka yang diselamatkan: mereka dijemput oleh sebuah kapal perusak Jepang dan ditransfer ke Maru Somedong, di mana mereka ditahan selama seminggu. Setelah beberapa hari seorang ahli bedah Angkatan Darat Jepang datang dengan dua asisten dan peralatan yang baik, dan dengan bantuan Stening dan seorang petugas berpakaian luka-luka kecil, meskipun tidak cukup dressing dibiarkan untuk setelah perawatan. Beberapa 300 orang itu kemudian dibawa ke Serang di truk, di mana mereka ditahan di penjara dan bioskop. Hanya setelah sepuluh hari adalah petugas medis dilepaskan dari sel penjara. Stening hanya memiliki tang dan gunting dressing dan saus sangat sedikit dengan yang untuk bekerja dan obat-obatan cukup memadai untuk mengobati disentri dan malaria yang segera melanda para 600 laki-laki dalam senyawa penjara. Setelah satu bulan, selama dua kematian terjadi, dan dua belas perwira Stening lainnya dibawa ke Batavia dan dikirim ke Jepang …. ”

Pada tahun 2006 saya (compiler artikel ini) memiliki kontak email dengan selamat dari USS Houston David Flynn dari Florida Amerika Serikat. Dia teringat Sam Stening dan memberi saya dengan komentar berikut .-

“Pada 1 Maret 1942., Saya dijemput oleh Boat Paus Jepang dan dibawa ke sebuah perbaikan kapal Jepang. Ada lima atau jadi tawanan perang Amerika lain di papan. Aku dibawa ke “teluk sakit” mereka, memiliki beberapa pecahan peluru dihapus dan bergabung dengan tahanan lainnya. Kami ditanyai oleh kapten mereka. Kami makan dan diperlakukan dengan baik. Kami tahu apa-apa. Waktu berlalu (tidak tahu berapa banyak tapi di suatu tempat sekitar beberapa jam) dan kapal itu ditenggelamkan. Aku mengenakan celana panjang saya di (dalam ke luar) dan pergi ke samping. Pada titik ini saya kembali memungut dan bergabung dengan Dr Stening pada perusak Jap. Aku tidak bertemu atau berbicara dengannya. Topsides dari perusak Jap tertutup dengan tahanan – Inggris, Australia dan sejauh yang saya tahu satu Amerika (saya). Pengalaman saya yang mirip dengan halaman pertama dari surat referensi.

Saya dipenjarakan di bioskop di Serang, Jawa. Kami diminta untuk duduk bersila dan rekan langsung saya bahasa Inggris. Jelas aku ingat meminta salah seorang pria Inggris yang ia lakukan dalam kehidupan sipil. Dia bilang dia adalah “clark”. Saya mengalami kesulitan dalam memahami dirinya. Hal ini kemudian dikembangkan bahwa ia adalah “pegawai” dalam kehidupan sipil. Aksen Cockney telah saya bingung.

Inggris teman saya membawa saya untuk melihat Stening Dr. Dr Stening memiliki kantor (luar) dan di belakang bioskop tidak jauh dari jamban terbuka. Dr Stening dihapus lebih pecahan peluru menggunakan pisau cukur sebagai pisau bedah. Sekali lagi Aku ingat meminta sesuatu untuk merokok selama operasi. Dr Stening menyuruh mereka memberi kepada saya hanya setelah dia selesai dengan pekerjaan di tangan. Aku menghabiskan sisa perang di kamp sepeda di Batavia (sekarang Djkarta) “.

Pada tahun 2007 Sam Stening saudara Malcolm Stening menyediakan saya dengan rekening berikut (paragraf berikutnya) waktu saudaranya di Jawa dan Jepang. Uniknya, Sam adalah salah satu dari beberapa Australia itu yang di Jepang selama lebih dari tiga tahun. Dia dipindahkan dari Batavia pada Ichi Maru sekitar 1 April 1942 dengan sejumlah kecil tawanan perang (termasuk 4 petugas Perth lainnya – Satu di antaranya adalah kapal Navigator sedang Royal Navy dipinjamkan ke Angkatan Laut Australia)). Pelayaran adalah melalui Takao, Formosa dan kapal tiba di Moji, Jepang setelah sekitar 14 hari. Dikatakan tawanan perang tampak seperti banyak gelandangan, yang berjenggot dan mengenakan pas sakit, cast-off pakaian sipil mungkin dijarah dari Belanda di Jawa. (Referensi-Kematian di Hellships-Tahanan di laut dalam Perang Pasifik oleh Gregory F Mitchno).

“Mereka meninggalkan Batavia pada malam 28 Februari setelah pengisian bahan bakar, dan segera terlihat musuh besar gaya utara Selat Sunda, Houston memukul dan mengambil api; Perth juga memukul dan, amunisi semua yang dikeluarkan, perintah” meninggalkan kapal ” diberikan. Kerusakan parah terus diderita Perth setelah perintah untuk meninggalkan kapal. Stasiun maju medis masih menerima pasien pada saat itu, namun teluk sakit telah dirusak oleh shell. Hit torpedo lebih lanjut menyebabkan kerusakan dan korban pada bagian lain dari kapal.

‘HEC’ Kapten Waller, orang sakit dengan penyakit kuning dari penyakit kandung empedu, turun dengan kapalnya di jembatan. Di Perth keluar dari pelengkap dari 682 laki-laki hanya 229 selamat tenggelam untuk menjadi tawanan perang. Saudaraku, Sam, yang dikirim ke Jepang sebagai tawanan-perang-dianugerahi Cross Distinguished Service (DSC) dan menerima pujian boros karena keberanian, perawatan dan perlindungan teman-temannya di tahun interniran.

Sam laporan: “Tentang 240 orang, termasuk saya, dijemput dari laut oleh kapal perusak dan kapal lainnya dan ditransfer kemudian ke Somedono (sic) Maru. Seorang ahli bedah tentara Jepang dan dua asisten tiba keesokan harinya dan saya membantu mereka untuk cenderung pecahan peluru, terluka menghapus, ganti luka, mengobati mata rusak oleh bahan bakar minyak dan resplinting patah tulang senyawa kaki. S.B.P.O. Cunningham, S.B.A. Mitchell dan P.O. Pengirim kawat Fowler juga membantu. Instrumen dan dressing yang diberikan adalah baik dan dua hari setelah pasokan kecil tambahan perban diperoleh, tetapi setelah itu tidak ada lagi yang akan datang. Setelah seminggu orang-orang di Maru Somedono dipindahkan baik ke penjara sipil atau ke bioskop di Serang di Jawa. ”

Kami harus tidur di beton telanjang. Kebersihan, ketika ada sama sekali, adalah dari bentuk primitif, dan meskipun pesanan diperoleh selama minimal tindakan pencegahan sanitasi, hampir tidak mungkin untuk memastikan mereka akan dilakukan. Diet rata-rata terdiri dari nasi dingin dan sayuran hijau dan terkadang potongan kecil ikan atau daging, dengan tambahan tertentu untuk orang sakit, yang diperoleh dari interniran Belanda. Kondisi memasak kotor. Dapur itu tidak pernah dibersihkan dan dilalui oleh saluran air yang digunakan sebagai saluran pembuangan. Izin kemudian diberikan untuk membangun oven untuk membuat roti dan dua rentang terbuka. Perawatan medis pada awalnya benar-benar kurang. Kemudian suatu hari seorang ahli bedah tentara Jepang datang dan melakukan beberapa dressing – perhatian pertama beberapa tahanan punya. Setelah selang dressing dilakukan selama beberapa hari oleh seorang Cina dan seorang dokter Jawa. Dokter-dokter setempat juga melakukan upaya tulus untuk memperoleh obat atau saus yang diminta. Letnan Burroughs, seorang perwira angkatan laut medis Amerika, dibebaskan dari selnya untuk membantu, dan untuk beberapa hari aku juga diperbolehkan untuk membantu. Akhirnya, Letnan Burroughs diperintahkan oleh Jepang untuk menghadiri untuk semua orang dalam penjara, dan aku orang-orang di bioskop.

Di bioskop itu 600 tahanan, prajurit dari kebangsaan yang berbeda. Mereka tidur di lantai telanjang, dan menggunakan kursi sebagai bahan bakar untuk memasak. Mereka tidak punya air untuk mencuci, dan tidak ada pengaturan sanitasi yang tepat. Kemudian sebuah jamban digali di samping tempat tidur, ruang hanya tersedia, dekat yang memasak dan merebus air juga dilakukan. Upaya untuk memperbaiki kondisi gagal pada awalnya karena kurangnya bahan, tetapi setelah beberapa waktu dapur lapangan didirikan. Aku melihat setidaknya 100 sampai 120 orang di kerahkan setiap hari. Seorang dokter Cina yang dihadiri juga, dan C.P.O. Bland, memasak, memberi bantuan yang tak ternilai. Aku mencoba untuk mengatur semua sakit untuk dikirim ke rumah sakit setempat. Setelah beberapa minggu saya berhasil memiliki dua ditransfer, tetapi karena mereka tidak mendapat perhatian lain selain apa yang bisa diberikan oleh dua koki Amerika yang dikirim untuk menyiapkan makanan mereka, kondisi mereka mungkin telah lebih buruk daripada sebelumnya.

Beberapa laki-laki baik di penjara dan di bioskop itu menderita luka parah. Satu Peringkat memiliki luka yang melibatkan arteri tibialis posterior: ia dioperasi pada berhasil oleh petugas medis Amerika dengan seorang ahli bedah tentara Jepang memberikan anestesi. Orang lain harus tunduk pada operasi tanpa obat bius dan dilakukan dengan instrumen hanya tersedia: gunting dan sepasang tang, baik berkarat. Dalam kondisi ini pecahan peluru telah dihapus dan sequestrectomy yang dilakukan. Pria yang berada di air saat Perth sudah terbenam disambar torpedo lanjut menunjukkan bukti ledakan toraks atau perut. Semua kecuali satu pulih, namun fasilitas yang sangat sedikit ada untuk mengobati mereka atau orang lain yang sakit sementara di Serang. Malaria lazim. Sebagai pakaian hanya laki-laki banyak orang yang kerasukan adalah pinggang-kain itu tidak mungkin bagi mereka untuk mengambil tindakan pencegahan terhadap gigitan nyamuk, dan sementara ada sejumlah kecil kina untuk pengobatan, tidak ada yang dapat terhindar untuk profilaksis. Disentri dan diare juga marak dan, dengan arang hanya untuk mengobati mereka, proporsi epidemi segera tercapai. Ada dua kematian. Selama bulan saya tinggal tidak ada kematian lebih lanjut, meskipun kondisi.

Pada 5 April 1942, saya dibawa dengan empat perwira lainnya dari Perth Australia dan delapan perwira Amerika Dari Serang ke Batavia, di mana kita memulai dalam transportasi Jepang untuk Jepang. Kondisi di papan jauh lebih baik daripada di Serang dan selama pelayaran kesehatan para tahanan membaik. Kami tiba di Moji 5 Mei dan pergi dengan kereta api ke Ofuna dekat Yokohama, sebuah kamp interogasi di bawah kontrol angkatan laut. Dari Ofuna saya dibawa dengan empat perwira dari Perth ke Zentsuji, kamp tawanan perang utama di Jepang 1942-1943. Ia dirancang sebagai model untuk petugas kamp. Pada kedatangan tahanan diperlukan, di bawah tekanan, untuk menandatangani suatu usaha untuk tidak mencoba melarikan diri, tapi selain ini tidak ada ketegangan mental. Itu diizinkan untuk mengirim pesan radio dan menulis surat, dan beberapa narapidana sebelumnya sudah menerima surat. Ada kantin, kelas dalam berbagai mata pelajaran, tenis dek, berjalan mingguan melalui pedesaan dan daerah disisihkan untuk membesarkan kelinci. Diet, yang disiapkan oleh koki sendiri tahanan, adalah memadai untuk hidup menetap. Orang-orang yang bekerja, sebagian besar pelaut dan marinir Amerika dari Guam, diberi jatah tambahan. Pakaian ditangkap pada awalnya diterbitkan secara berkala, kemudian dijual kepada petugas. Palang Merah kenyamanan dan makanan diterima di kamp, ​​dan distribusi langka oleh Jepang dimulai. Itu menyadari bahwa sejumlah pria edema subkutan dikembangkan segera setelah kedatangan mereka dari Ofuna. Namun, ini segera menghilang, mungkin dengan meningkatnya metabolisme mereka karena perbaikan diet. Beberapa pengobatan medis dipercayakan kepada petugas dari US Army Medical Corps, tapi aku tidak begitu terlibat.

Pada November 1942 emergency medical partai dikirim dari Zentsuji ke Moji untuk mengurus penumpang dari transportasi Jepang, Maru Singapura, yang baru saja tiba dari Jawa dan Singapura. Para pria malang di kapal, awalnya sekitar 1.000, telah dikurung dalam memegang sehat selama sebulan, tanpa makanan yang cukup, mereka menderita wabah yang mengerikan disentri dan lebih dari 90 meninggal. Partai medis, terdiri dari delapan petugas medis, seorang petugas gigi dan sekitar 30 perawat medis, dibagi menjadi tiga kelompok. Saya termasuk dalam satu di bawah Letnan Komandan Moe, Angkatan Laut Amerika Serikat. Ketika kelompok kami tiba di kapal semua tahanan fit dan mayoritas orang sakit telah dihapus. Sisanya sangat sakit. Kami dihadapkan pada tugas utama memisahkan hidup dari mati. Ke dalam ini maju terus kita menatap pada massa, kotor berbau sampah, kotoran, makanan, pakaian dan peralatan antara yang kita bisa lihat di sini dan ada tubuh yang mungkin atau mungkin belum masih hidup. Satu orang tidak ada yang menderita penyakit apapun tetapi karena kelelahan lengkap. Dia Gunner CW Peacock, dari Royal artileri. Satu tangan, dia telah merawat, memberi makan, menghibur dan merawat orang sakit di tahan.

Meskipun cuaca dingin, tidak ada pakaian musim dingin orang sakit, dan partai kita cepat menutupi mereka dalam mantel kita sendiri hangat. Para pasien kemudian dipindahkan oleh sampah ke stasiun Shimonoseki karantina, di mana kelompok Moe tampak setelah mereka selama dua bulan dengan bantuan agak mau dari perawat Jepang beberapa melekat ke stasiun. Akomodasi di Shimonoseki cukup memadai, sanitasi yang baik, dan pemanasan cukup begitu. Peralatan medis dan perlengkapan, bagaimanapun, langka, dan itu hanya dengan doa harian Jepang.

Dari Oktober 1943 sampai Juni 1944 saya perwira senior dan petugas medis hanya bersekutu di kamp Oeyama. Perkemahan ini berada di Pulau Honshu dekat tambang nikel, di mana tahanan, berpakaian pakaian benang telanjang, dilakukan pekerjaan berat dalam hujan dan lumpur, ketika mereka kembali ke perkemahan pada malam hari, basah kuyup, mereka tidak mengalami perubahan pakaian . Satu geng bekerja selama lebih dari seminggu sampai lutut dalam air dingin. Bos bekerja mendorong pria untuk batas daya tahan mereka, dan sering orang sakit dipaksa untuk bekerja, sehingga memberikan kontribusi bagi kematian banyak dari mereka. Makanan meskipun baik pada awalnya, segera jatuh dalam kuantitas dan kualitas. Nasib pekerja ditingkatkan dengan keputusan petugas medis untuk memberi mereka ransum 360 gram biji-bijian setiap hari, meskipun ini berarti mengurangi jatah istirahat laki-laki untuk 250 gram, ditambah penambahan apa yang bisa terhindar. Ini kondisi yang sulit yang meringankan oleh kedatangan makanan Palang Merah pada bulan Desember, hampir paket ke setiap orang. Namun, makanan tidak biasa, ditambahkan ekstra untuk Natal yang disediakan oleh Jepang, marah banyak orang. Pada bulan Maret persediaan Palang Merah tiba lebih tapi kebanyakan dari mereka disisihkan untuk sakit ditahan oleh Jepang, yang juga menyimpan beberapa dari pasokan umum untuk perkemahan sampai banding yang berhasil dibuat untuk komandan kamp.

Pada bulan Juni 1944 dokter Jepang menghasilkan skala jatah 3.700 kalori untuk pekerja dan 3.400 untuk pria beristirahat. Namun, karena kebanyakan dari item pada skala tidak pernah diterima secara rutin, angka yang sebenarnya jauh di bawah ini. Sebagai orang-orang kelaparan meningkat di kamp menjadi lebih sulit untuk menangani. Mereka akan mencuri dari satu sama lain dan dari Jepang dan pencurian ini kemudian, jika terdeteksi, menyebabkan hukuman yang berat. Pada Mei 1944 saya diberdayakan oleh komandan kamp untuk mengambil kendali dari disiplin perkemahan dan semua hukuman. Secara keseluruhan, sistem ini bekerja dengan baik.

Kebersihan adalah kaku diberlakukan oleh pemerintah sendiri tahanan. Meskipun, diare dipenuhi: sering menjadi kronis dan sering peristiwa terminal. Seperti sudah bisa diduga, kekurangan gizi adalah lazim, terutama beri-beri dengan atau tanpa edema. Efusi dada dan perut terjadi, dan sering mengikuti administrasi sulfonamid, bahkan dalam dosis rendah seperti 1 gram setiap hari selama dua hari. “Kaki Menyakitkan” menolak pengobatan, dan kasih sayang kulit, karena kondisi lokal, yang sangat umum.

Kamp Taisho juga di daerah Osaka. Saya dikirim ke sana pada bulan Juni 1944. Sebelumnya perawatan medis dari tahanan di Taisho telah bergantung pada tertib medis yang telah bekerja dan berjuang dengan baik untuk pasiennya. Beberapa tahanan melakukan pekerjaan bekerja dan lain-lain tugas yang lebih khusus di pabrik besi Osaka. Makanan yang baik pada awalnya, tetapi memburuk ketika baru Jepang intendan diangkat. Palang Merah makanan datang pada bulan November dan membantu orang-orang melalui musim dingin, sementara makanan mereka semakin dilengkapi dengan produk dari kebun mereka sendiri. Peningkatan lain adalah penyediaan oleh staf kamp Jepang makan siang untuk orang-orang yang bekerja. Masih gizi buruk marak di kamp, ​​penyebab diare predisposisi menjadi lazim. Beri Beri dari semua jenis adalah hal biasa.

Pada saat kedatangan saya sebuah Nakate Sersan adalah komandan kamp, ​​dan para tahanan diperlakukan dengan baik. Ketika ia digantikan oleh Sersan Kakuia perlakuan kasar dan berubah-ubah menjadi aturan. Semua Jepang, termasuk warga sipil, diberikan lisensi untuk memanjakan sadisme mereka, pria itu dihukum, sering berat, karena pelanggaran kecil atau tidak ada pelanggaran sama sekali. Satu orang ditelanjangi dan dipaksa berdiri di tempat terbuka dengan suhu di bawah titik beku. Seorang sersan Jepang kemudian melemparkan ember air di atasnya setelah pertama melanggar es dari puncak ember. Orang sakit sering diperintahkan untuk bekerja dan banding atas nama mereka oleh petugas medis sebagian besar diabaikan. Kondisi membaik dari bulan November 1944, peningkatan yang bertepatan dengan awal serangan udara atas Pulau Honshu dan khususnya selama Osaka sendiri. Sebuah pemandangan tidak akan pernah terlupakan adalah penerbangan pesawat pembom berat Amerika selama Osaka pada siang hari, dan kemudian kebakaran besar di Osaka, ketika incendiaries juga menghujani kamp. Sebagai kepercayaan dari Jepang melemahkan, sehingga diperoleh tahanan jantung. Pasokan makanan baik yang legal maupun ilegal meningkat, kerja menurun dan para perwira Jepang mulai tinggal di kamp.

Pada 17 Mei kamp seluruh dengan pengecualian beberapa pria yang sakit atau berguna untuk orang Jepang pindah ke Takefu sekitar 70 mil ke utara-timur Osaka. Dari 17 Mei sampai akhir perang ada 167 Australia dari Taisho dan 33 orang Amerika dari Umida di Takefu. Aku satu-satunya kepala medis di sana, dan bahkan petugas saja. Seperti itu mungkin tidak dapat dihindari dalam sebuah kamp kebangsaan dicampur, ada gesekan sesekali. Bekerja di pabrik karbit di dekatnya berat: ada banyak kecelakaan dan meningkatnya jumlah orang gagal dalam kesehatan melalui didorong tanpa henti jatah memadai. Meskipun makanan Merah Cross di toko, itu tidak datang ketika diminta, dan, Mei, Juni dan Juli 1945, jatah makanan berkurang, melainkan semakin habis oleh pencurian staf kamp Jepang. Seperti di kamp-kamp lain, pria sakit sering dipaksa untuk bekerja. Intervensi atas nama mereka kadang-kadang berhasil tetapi lebih sering daripada tidak menyebabkan memburuknya keadaan mereka.

Hukuman yang sering dan saya juga menderita penghinaan banyak. Salah satu bentuk hukuman barbar sangat populer dengan Jepang. Seorang pria akan dipaksa untuk berlutut pada bambu dengan kaki disilangkan; bambu lain akan ditempatkan di belakang lutut, dan satu galon 4 dapat air di pahanya, yang ia akan harus diam tanpa menumpahkan. Hal ini akan terus selama satu jam dan setengah. Seorang pria setelah menderita hukuman ini harus dibawa kembali ke perkemahan, dan tidak mampu berjalan selama empat jam. Dalam satu hal, bagaimanapun, Takefu adalah perbaikan pada kamp-kamp lain: sekali para tahanan telah kembali dari pekerjaan dan telah memasuki tempat tinggal mereka tidur mereka biasanya dibiarkan saja. Mereka tidak menderita ketegangan mental intrusi tak henti-hentinya oleh Jepang mencari masalah dan mendistribusikan hukuman. Ada beberapa penyakit serius di kamp ini, tetapi penyakit kulit yang disebabkan oleh bahan kimia yang orang-orang bekerja adalah lazim. Beberapa peralatan medis yang tersedia telah dibawa diam-diam dari Taisho, dan meskipun Jepang mengambil persediaan Palang Merah untuk tempat tinggal mereka, mereka mengizinkan permintaan resmi sederhana untuk diisi, biasanya setelah argumen marah: ”

Berikut ini adalah salinan artikel dari Medical Journal of Australia 1 Juni 1946 halaman 773. Izin untuk mereproduksi artikel telah diberikan. Artikel ini berjudul PENGALAMAN SEBAGAI tawanan perang di JEPANG Oleh SEL Stening Sydney

“Kapal saya tenggelam tak lama setelah tengah malam tanggal 28 Februari 1942. Para korban yang selamat dalam air minyak tertutup untuk apa pun 7-15 jam, dan untuk alasan ini sebagian besar terluka parah gagal untuk hidup melalui malam. Sebuah kapal Jepang diselamatkan banyak, yang, mencapai dek kapal perusak itu, yang ditelanjangi dan digeledah. Pakaian direndam minyak segera dibuang. Jadi kami mulai tawanan perang hidup kita, cukup telanjang, tetapi juga ditutupi dengan minyak, beberapa terluka, tapi tanpa dressing atau alat sama sekali.

Setelah hari di kapal itu kami dipindahkan ke sebuah kapal penjara. Lebih dari 300 laki-laki berdesakan menjadi satu terus, dan disini kita tinggal, makan, dicuci dua kali, tidur dan mencoba untuk merawat yang luka dan sakit. Beberapa bahan yang diperoleh dari Jepang, tetapi seluruh stok saya obat, dressing dan instrumen dipasang ke kotak sepatu kardus. Namun, terutama karena efek mensterilkan bahan bakar minyak dan air garam, luka yang paling tetap bersih selama minggu kami di papan. Hanya ada satu kematian, ini adalah dari jeroan pecah disebabkan oleh ledakan torpedo dekat pria di dalam air.

Dari kapal ini kami dibawa ke sebuah kota di Jawa Barat, mengejek oleh penduduk asli perjalanan. Berikut sekitar separuh bersarang di penjara asli lokal dan setengah ditempatkan di bioskop. Penjara itu dari beton, dan kami menemukan sangat sulit untuk beristirahat di beton tersebut, tanpa pakaian atau bantal. Para petugas medis dikunci di belakang bar dan bisa tidak melakukan pekerjaan medis selama sepuluh hari, selama waktu dari luka-luka bersih sampai sekarang menjadi septik. Setelah sepuluh hari tugas sehari-hari saya membawa saya, bertelanjang kaki, di jalan beraspal panas, ke bioskop sekitar sepertiga mil jauhnya, di mana saya melakukan “panggilan sakit” setiap hari selama lebih dari 100 orang. Dressing dan obat-obatan yang sangat langka. Aku punya sepasang tang berpakaian dan satu gunting, dan dengan ini saya harus menghapus pecahan dan melakukan operasi kecil lainnya. Untuk mengobati disentri dan diare ada kaleng minyak tanah setengah magnesium sulfat dan pasokan kecil arang. Malaria segera muncul, dan untuk ini ada beberapa botol 200 tablet kina – ini untuk beberapa 600 orang. Makanan dalam jumlah mikroskopis dua kali sehari, tapi ditambah dengan beberapa orang yang memiliki mata uang dinegosiasikan.

Hanya ada dua kematian di kamp yang disebut dalam empat minggu selama aku ada di sana, dan kemudian dua belas perwira lain dan saya sendiri dibawa ke Batavia, dari situ ke sebuah kapal dan dikirim secepatnya ke Jepang. Begitu tiba di Jepang, pesta kecil langsung dibawa ke sebuah kamp interogasi dekat Yokohama. Dalam komunikasi kamp dengan tahanan lainnya benar-benar dilarang, diet sekitar 1.200 kalori per hari, dan di sini partai kita mendekam selama lima bulan. Saya berusaha untuk menganggap posisi petugas kamp medis, sampai perbedaan pendapat dengan teratur pusar medis Jepang menyebabkan kedua pasien dan diri saya dipukuli dengan tongkat sebagai “giliran bintang” parade khusus.

Segera setelah ini, pada bulan Mei atau Juni – yaitu, tiga atau empat bulan setelah menangkap – penyakit kekurangan mulai muncul. Beberapa pria dikembangkan edema dan beberapa tanda-tanda berkembang pellagra. Keluhan kedua yang paling intolerably gatal, eksim menangis skrotum. Saya bisa memastikan bahwa musim panas dapat paling nyaman ketika seseorang menderita keluhan itu.

Ia sementara kami berada di kamp ini bahwa kami diberitahu bahwa kami tidak tawanan perang, tetapi masih musuh, satu-satunya perbedaan adalah bahwa kita sekarang tidak bersenjata, dan bahwa kita tidak akan tahanan sampai kami memasuki tawanan diakui perang kamp. Kami diperlakukan sesuai.

Kami menjadi tahanan resmi ketika kita memiliki keberuntungan yang besar untuk dikirim ke kamp berikutnya. Ada banyak petugas medis di kamp, ​​baik Amerika dan Australia, tetapi hanya dua orang Amerika diizinkan untuk berlatih. Setelah beristirahat sekitar dua bulan ‘dan penyembuhan di sini, pihak khusus dokter dan mantri kemudian segera diorganisir dan dikirim ke barat untuk menghilangkan tahanan dibawa ke Jepang dalam “kapal neraka”. Kapal ini telah meninggalkan Singapura dengan lebih dari 1.000 tahanan kapal; 80 telah meninggal antara Formosa dan Jepang dari kelaparan dan disentri. Sebanyak 200 atau lebih meninggal setelah Jepang telah tercapai. Dengan bahan langka kami harus mencoba untuk perawat kembali ke kesehatan pria menderita disentri yang parah dan kekurangan gizi yang paling. Partai kami tinggal tiga bulan di pekerjaan itu, dan kurang dari 60% pasien kami keluar bersama kami. Sisanya terkubur di suatu tempat di Jepang.

Selama beberapa bulan berikutnya partai kecil kita sebelas bepergian di kamp-kamp lain beberapa keadaan darurat seperti. Perjalanan kereta api cukup menarik. Para warga sipil Jepang tidak pernah mengganggu kita, dan penjaga kami selalu memastikan kami mendapat tempat duduk nyaman dengan paksa mendepak sesuai dengan jumlah warga sipil. Touring Jepang datang untuk dekat pada bulan Oktober 1943, ketika saya dikirim ke kamp baru di pantai utara Pulau Honshiu, dan itu adalah tentang beberapa masalah medis yang saya temui di sana bahwa aku ingin berbicara.

Perkemahan ini awalnya salah satu dari 200 laki-laki, tetapi yang lain 100 tiba di Januari tahun depan. Orang-orang mulai tinggal mereka di Jepang dalam kondisi yang adil, tapi segera mereka sedang meletakkan rendah dengan kondisi iklim yang parah dan kerja keras. Itu segera kamp dengan catatan kesehatan terburuk di daerah Osaka, karena penyakit diare dan kekurangan.

Diare.
Diare segera menjadi hampir universal. Sudah pasti bahwa sebagian besar para tahanan menderita disentri basiler dan amuba kronis – sekitar 30% dari mereka di kamp, ​​aku harus menilai. Tetapi harus dicatat bahwa saya tidak pernah bisa melakukan lebih dari memeriksa kotoran dan pasien, sehingga angka saya mungkin sangat salah.

Seperti telah saya katakan, diare menjadi universal, dan ini adalah jenis yang paling umum: itu adalah diare secara langsung berhubungan dengan diet, terutama diet yang mengandung kelebihan materi dicerna – misalnya, kacang kedelai, gandum, atau spesies beras sebagian dikuliti dikenal sebagai “karet padi”. Orang-orang kelaparan lapar dan digunakan untuk makan daun dan rumput, buah dan biji, dengan hasil mengerikan. Seperti makan berbaring berat dalam usus konsumen, dan setelah empat jam atau lebih dia akan mulai merasa “kembung” dan meletus jumlah besar gas busuk. Diare segera diikuti, dan tidak lama penderita mengalami dehidrasi, lemah dan menderita penderitaan dari kolik. Kotoran terdiri dari sekitar satu liter cairan coklat yang mengandung banyak makanan tercerna, asam berbau dan menggelegak riang dari fermentasi. Satu biasanya bisa mengatakan faktor menarik dari serangan dengan memeriksa tinja, untuk masalah banyak yang diekskresikan berubah.

Dalam pengobatan, dosis awal minyak kastor jika tersedia memberikan hasil yang sangat baik, sementara magnesium sulfat berkepanjangan serangan ke minggu kedua. Obat pilihan adalah “Carbarsone”, satu kapsul yang diberikan sekali atau dua kali sehari selama dua atau tiga hari.

original version:

STENING SAMUEL EDWARD LEES Surgeon Lieutenant Commander (Medical Officer)
HMAS Perth

 

Sam Stening was born in Sydney 14 May 1910.  He was educated at Sydney Boys High School.  He attended the Medical School at Sydney University and graduated in 1932.  He enlisted in the Royal Australian Navy on 21 September 1939 and spent five months on the heavy cruiser Canberra before being posted to the Waterhen on 17 October 1940. He was on HMAS Waterhen when it was sunk in the Mediterranean Sea.  He then joined HMAS Perth as the ship’s assistant Medical Officer.  The ship’s Medical Officer Commander Tymms was killed in action.

By late February 1942, the Japanese had captured Malaya, Singapore, Borneo, the Celebes, Timor and other Islands in South East Asia.  The following is a short account of the events which culminated in the sinking of HMAS Perth -.

HMAS PERTH was light cruiser of 6830 tons.  She boasted a speed of 32.5 knots, was armed with 24 guns of varied calibre and 8 torpedo tubes, and to those with a fond regard for ships, sported fine lines.   PERTH entered into the service of the RAN on 10 July 1939.  She saw extensive service in the Atlantic, Mediterranean, Indian Ocean, and Australian waters before commencing refit at Sydney in July 1941.
On 14 February 1942, PERTH sailed for the Java Theatre after a period of exercises and patrols that followed her refit, during which Captain Hector Waller, DSO and bar, had assumed command.  On 26 February, the ship departed Surabaya in company USS HOUSTON and other Dutch and British cruisers, as well as Dutch and British destroyers. During the night of 27-28 February the combined American, British, Dutch and Australian (ABDA) force engaged Japanese forces in the disastrous Battle of the Java Sea, from which only PERTH and HOUSTON survived in a fit operational state.
PERTH and HOUSTON arrived at Tandjung Priok on 28 February after the day and night actions that had just taken place off Surabaya. Unfortunately, stocks of fuel were low and PERTH could only receive 50% of her total capacity.  The same evening, both ships sailed under orders to proceed through Sunda Strait to Tjilatjap.
Just before midnight, a vessel was sighted.  When challenged she proved to be a Japanese destroyer and was immediately engaged. Shortly afterwards, other destroyers were sighted to the north and the armament of PERTH was split so as to engage more than one target.  PERTH and HOUSTON had actually come across the Japanese naval ships protecting the West Java invasion force of approximately 50 vessels, which effected a landing in Banten Bay, Java. During the action, a large number of enemy destroyers attacked from all directions.  Under overwhelming odds, it proved impossible to engage all targets at once.  Eventually, some of the Japanese destroyers were able to close to very short range.
By this stage, PERTH’s men had been in combat over a period of three continuous days.  At about midnight, it was reported that very little 6″ ammunition for the ship’s main guns was left, so Captain Waller decided to attempt to force a passage through Sunda Strait. He ordered full speed and altered course for Toppers Island. PERTH had barely steadied on course when she was struck on the starboard side by a torpedo. Captain Waller gave the order to prepare to abandon ship. A few moments later another torpedo struck just ahead of the first hit, and the Captain gave the order to abandon ship. After five or ten minutes a third torpedo struck well aft on the starboard side. This was followed shortly afterwards by a fourth torpedo, which hit on the port side; the ship then righted herself, heeled over to port and sank at around 1230 on the morning of 1 March 1942.  USS HOUSTON was still fighting bravely although badly on fire. She was hit by torpedoes and sank shortly afterwards closer inshore.
Most of PERTH’s crew abandoned ship between the second and third torpedoes, but it is doubtful if any of the boats were successfully launched. During the abandon ship operation, PERTH was under fire from several destroyers at close range, many of which made direct hits causing additional casualties.  Tragically, many of the ship’s company were killed or wounded in the water by the explosion of the last two torpedoes and by shells exploding nearby. At the time of her loss, PERTH’s ship’s company totalled 681 personnel. 353 (including Captain Waller) did not survive the sinking. Those who did numbered 328.  Sadly, almost all were taken into captivity as prisoners of war, and, by the end of hostilities, only 214 men were repatriated to Australia.
An account of part of Sam Stening’s time from the sinking of the Perth to his time in Serang on the island of Java is covered (as well as the written word can do) in the book Proud Echo by Ronald McKie.  In Proud Echo it is said that Sam Stening suffered a fractured skull at the time of the sinking.  The following is an extract from the respected text Medical Middle East and Far East by A.S. Walker:-

“…Many of the more severely wounded did not survive the ordeal of the hours in the water, which was covered densely with fuel oil. Surgeon Lieutenant S.E.L.Stening R.A.N. who was wounded, was amongst those saved: they were picked up by a Japanese destroyer and transferred to the Somedong Maru, on which they were imprisoned for a week. After some days a Japanese Army surgeon came with two assistants and good equipment, and with the help of Stening and a petty officer dressed the wounds, though insufficient dressings were left for after care.  Some 300 men were then taken to Serang in trucks, where they were kept in the gaol and cinema. Only after ten days were the medical officers released from the gaol cells.  Stening had only a dressings forceps and scissors and very few dressings with which to work and quite inadequate drugs to treat the dysentry and malaria which soon beset the 600 men in the prison compounds.  After a month, during which two deaths occurred, Stening and twelve other officers were taken to Batavia and shipped to Japan….”

In 2006 I (the compiler of this article) had email contact with a survivor from the USS Houston David Flynn from Florida USA.  He remembered Sam Stening and provided me with the following comments.-

“On March 1st., 1942, I was picked up by a Japanese Whale Boat and taken to a Japanese repair ship.  There were five or so other American prisoners on board. I was taken to their “sick bay”, had some shrapnel removed and joined the other prisoners.  We were questioned by their captain.   We were fed and treated well.  We knew nothing.  Time elapsed (don’t know how much but somewhere around a couple of hours) and the ship was torpedoed.  I put my trousers on (inside out) and went over the side.  At this point I was again picked up and joined Dr. Stening on the Jap destroyer.  I did not meet or talk to him. Topsides of the Jap destroyer was covered with prisoners – English, Australian and as far as I know one American (me).  My experiences were similar to the first page of the reference letter.

I was imprisoned in the cinema in Serang, Java. We were required to sit cross legged and my immediate associates were English.  I distinctly remember asking one of the English gentlemen what he did in civilian life.  He told me he was a “clark”.  I had difficulty in understanding him.  It later developed that he was a “clerk” in civilian life.  The cockney accent had me floored.

My English friends took me to see Dr. Stening. Dr. Stening had offices (outside) and in back of the cinema not far from an open latrine.  Dr. Stening removed more shrapnel using a razor blade as a scalpel.  Again I remember requesting something to smoke during surgery.  Dr. Stening told them to give to me only after he was finished with the work at hand.  I spent the remainder of the war in bicycle camp in Batavia (now Djkarta)”.

In 2007 Sam Stening’s brother Malcolm Stening provided me with the following account (next paragraph) of his brother’s time in Java and Japan.  Uniquely, Sam is one of the few Australia’s who were in Japan for over three years.  He moved from Batavia on the Maru Ichi around 1 April 1942 with a small number of POWs (including 4 other Perth officers – One of whom was the ship’s Navigator being Royal Navy on loan to Royal Australian Navy)).  Sailing was via Takao, Formosa and the vessel arrived at Moji, Japan after about 14 days.  It is said the POWs looked like a lot of hobos, being bearded and wearing ill fitting, cast-off civilian clothing perhaps looted from the Dutch on Java. (Reference- Death on the Hellships- Prisoners at sea in the Pacific War by Gregory F Mitchno).

“They left Batavia on the night of the 28th February after refuelling, and soon sighted a large enemy force north of Sunda Strait, Houston was hit and took fire; Perth was also hit and, all ammunition being expended, the order “abandon ship” was given.  Severe damage continued to be inflicted on Perth after the order to abandon ship.  The forward medical station was still receiving patients at the time, but the sick bay had been wrecked by a shell.  Further torpedo hits caused damage and casualties on the other part of the ship.

Captain ‘Hec’ Waller, a sick man with jaundice from gallbladder disease, went down with his ship on the bridge.  In Perth out of a complement of 682 men only 229 survived the sinking to become prisoners-of-war.  My brother, Sam, who was sent to Japan as a prisoner-of-war was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross (DSC) and received unstinted praise for his courage, care and protection of his fellows in the years of internment.

Sam reports:  “About 240 men, including myself, were picked up from the sea by destroyers and other ships and transferred later to the Somedono(sic) Maru.  A Japanese army surgeon and two assistants arrived next day and I helped them to tend the wounded, removing shrapnel, dressing wounds, treating eyes damaged by fuel oil and resplinting a compound fracture of a leg.  S.B.P.O. Cunningham, S.B.A. Mitchell and P.O. Telegraphist Fowler also helped.  The instruments and dressings provided were good and two days after additional small supplies of dressings were obtained, but thereafter nothing more was forthcoming.  After a week the men in the Somedono Maru were transferred either to the civilian gaol or to the cinema at Serang in Java.”

We had to sleep on bare concrete.  Hygiene, when it existed at all, was of the primitive form, and although orders were obtained for a minimum of sanitary precautions, it was almost impossible to ensure they would be carried out.  The average diet consisted of cold rice and a green vegetable and occasionally small pieces of fish or meat, with certain additions for the sick, which were obtained from Dutch internees.  Cooking conditions were filthy.  The galley was never cleaned and was traversed by a water channel used as a sewer.  Permission was later given to construct an oven for baking bread and for two open ranges.  Medical care was at first completely lacking.  Then one day a Japanese army surgeon came and did some dressings – the first attention some of the prisoners had had.  After an interval dressings were done for several days by a Chinese and a Javanese doctor.  These local doctors also made a sincere effort to obtain any drugs or dressings which were requested.  Lieutenant Burroughs, an American naval medical officer, was released from his cell to help, and for several days I too was allowed to help.  Finally, Lieutenant Burroughs was ordered by the Japanese to attend to all men in the gaol, and I the men in the cinema.

In the cinema were 600 prisoners, servicemen of different nationalities.  They slept on bare floors, and used the seats as fuel for cooking.  They had no water for washing, and no proper sanitary arrangements.  Later a pit latrine was dug alongside the sleeping quarters, the only available space, near which the cooking and boiling of water was also done.  Efforts to improve conditions failed at first because of lack of materials, but after a time field kitchens were erected.  I saw at least 100 to 120 men at the daily muster.  A Chinese doctor attended too, and C.P.O. Bland, a cook, gave invaluable assistance.  I tried to arrange for all the sick to be sent to the local hospital.  After some weeks I succeeded in having two transferred, but as they received no attention other than what could be given by two American cooks sent to prepare their food, their condition may have been worse than before.

Some of the men both at the gaol and in the cinema were suffering from severe injuries.  One rating had a wound involving the posterior tibial artery:  he was operated on successfully by an American medical officer with a Japanese army surgeon giving the anaesthetic.  Other men had to submit to surgery without an anaesthetic and carried out with the only instruments available:  a pair of scissors and a pair of forceps, both rusty.  Under these conditions shrapnel was removed and a sequestrectomy performed.  Men who were in the water when the already sinking Perth was struck by further torpedoes showed evidence of thoracic or abdominal blast.  All but one recovered, but very few facilities existed for treating them or others who became ill while at Serang.  Malaria was prevalent.  As the only clothing many men possessed was a loin-cloth it was impossible for them to take precautions against the bites of mosquitoes, and while there was a small amount of quinine for treatment, none could be spared for prophylaxis.  Dysentery and diarrhoea were also rife and, with only charcoal to treat them, soon reached epidemic proportions.  There were two deaths.  During my months stay there were no further deaths, despite the conditions.

On 5th April 1942 I was taken with four other Australian officers from Perth and eight American officers From Serang to Batavia, where we embarked in a Japanese transport for Japan.  Conditions on board were far better than those at Serang and during the voyage the health of the prisoners improved considerably.  We arrived at Moji 5th May and went by train to Ofuna near Yokohama, an interrogation camp under naval control.  From Ofuna I was taken with four officers from Perth to Zentsuji, the main prisoner-of-war camp in Japan from 1942 to 1943.  It was designed as model camp for officers.  On arrival the prisoners were required, under duress, to sign an undertaking not to attempt escape, but apart from this there was no mental strain.  It was permitted to send a radio message and to write letters, and some of the earlier inmates had already received mail.  There was a canteen, classes in a variety of subjects, deck tennis, a weekly walk through the countryside and an area set aside for the rearing of rabbits.  The diet, prepared by the prisoner’s own cooks, was adequate for a sedentary life.  The men who were working, mostly American sailors and marines from Guam, were given extra rations.  At first captured clothing was issued periodically; later it was sold to officers.  Red Cross comforts and foodstuffs were received at the camp, and a scanty distribution by the Japanese began.  It was noticed that a number of men developed subcutaneous oedema soon after their arrival from Ofuna.  However, this soon disappeared, presumably with a heightening of their metabolism due to improved diet.  Some medical treatment was entrusted to officers of the U.S. Army Medical Corps, but I was not so engaged.

In November 1942 an emergency medical party was sent from Zentsuji to Moji to attend to the passengers of a Japanese transport, the Singapore Maru, which had just arrived from Java and Singapore.  The unfortunate men on board, originally about 1,000, had been confined in unsanitary holds for a month, without sufficient food; they had suffered a terrible outbreak of dysentery and over 90 had died.  The medical party, consisting of eight medical officers, one dental officer and about 30 medical orderlies, was divided into three groups.  I was included in one under Lieutenant Commander Moe, United States Navy.  When our group arrived at the ship all the fit prisoners and the majority of the sick had been removed.  The remainder were very sick.  We were faced with the major task of separating living from dead.  Down into this forward hold we gazed upon a filthy, odorous mass of rubbish, excreta, food, clothing and equipment amongst which we could see here and there a body which may or may not have been still living.  One man there was not suffering from any illness but from complete exhaustion.  He was Gunner C.W. Peacock, of the Royal Artillery.  Single-handed, he had cared for, fed, comforted and nursed the sick men in the hold.

Despite the bitterly cold weather, none of the sick had winter clothing, and our party quickly covered them in our own warm overcoats.  The patients were then transferred by junk to the Shimonoseki quarantine station, where Moe’s group looked after them for two months with the somewhat unwilling help of a few Japanese nurses attached to the station.  The accommodation at Shimonoseki was adequate, the sanitation good, and the heating moderately so.  Medical equipment and supplies, however, were scanty, and it was only by daily supplication of the Japanese.

From October 1943 to June 1944 I was senior officer and the only allied medical officer in Oeyama camp.  This camp was on Honshu Island near a nickel mine, in which the inmates, clad in thread bare garments, carried out heavy work in rain and slush; when they returned to camp at night, wet to the skin, they had no change of clothing.  One gang worked for more than a week up to the knees in icy water.  Work bosses pushed the men to the limit of their endurance, and often the sick were forced to work, thus contributing to the death of many of them.  Food though good at first soon fell off in quantity and quality.  The lot of the workers was improved by the medical officer’s decision to give them 360 grams of grain ration daily, although this meant cutting down the ration of resting men to 250 grams, plus what additions could be spared.  These difficult conditions were lightened by the arrival of the Red Cross food in December, almost a parcel to each man.  However, the unaccustomed food, added to the extra for Christmas supplied by the Japanese, upset many of the men.  In March more Red Cross supplies arrived but most of those set aside for the sick were retained by the Japanese, who also kept some of the general supply for the camp until a successful appeal was made to the camp commander.

In June 1944 the Japanese doctor produced a ration scale of 3,700 calories for the workers and 3,400 for resting men.  However, as most of the items on the scale were never received regularly, the actual figures were well below this.  As hunger increased the men in the camp became more difficult to handle.  They would steal from each other and from the Japanese and these later thefts, if detected, led to severe punishments.  In May 1944 I was empowered by the camp commandant to take control of the discipline of the camp and all the punishments.  On the whole, this system worked well.

Hygiene was rigidly enforced by the prisoner’s own administration.  Notwithstanding, diarrhoea was rife:  it frequently became a chronic and was often a terminal event.  As was to be expected, malnutrition was prevalent, particularly beri beri with or without oedema.  Thoracic and abdominal effusions occurred, and often followed the administration of sulphonamides, even in a low dosage such as 1 gram daily for two days.  “Painful feet” resisted treatment, and skin affection, due to local conditions, were very common.

Taisho camp was also in the Osaka area.  I was sent there in June 1944.  Previously the medical care of the prisoners at Taisho had depended on a medical orderly who had worked and fought well for his patients.  Some of the prisoners were doing labouring work and others more specialised tasks at the Osaka ironworks.  Food was good at first but deteriorated when a new Japanese quartermaster was appointed.  Red Cross food came in November and helped the men through the winter, while their diet was further supplemented by the products from their own garden.  Another improvement was the provision by the Japanese camp staff of a midday meal for men who were working.  Still malnutrition was rife in the camp, a predisposing cause being the prevalent diarrhoea.  Beri Beri of all kinds was common.

At the time of my arrival a Sergeant Nakate was the camp commandant, and the prisoners were treated well.  When he was replaced by Sergeant Kakuia harsh and capricious treatment became the rule.  All Japanese, including civilians, were given licence to indulge their sadism, men were punished, often severely, for minor offences or for no offence at all.  One man was stripped and made to stand in the open with the temperature below freezing point.  A Japanese sergeant then threw buckets of water over him after first breaking the ice from the tops of the buckets.  The sick were often ordered to work and appeals on their behalf by the medical officer were mostly disregarded.  Conditions improved from November 1944, the improvement being coincident with the beginning of air raids over Honshu Island and especially over Osaka itself.  A never to be forgotten sight was the flight of American heavy bombers over Osaka in broad daylight, and later the big fire in Osaka, when incendiaries also rained on the camp.  As the confidence of the Japanese was sapped, so the prisoners gained heart.  The food supply both legal and illicit increased, work decreased and the Japanese officers began to live at the camp.

On 17th May the entire camp with the exception of a few men who were sick or otherwise useless to the Japanese moved to Takefu about 70 miles to the north-east of Osaka.  From 17th May until the end of the war there were 167 Australians from Taisho and 33 Americans from Umida in Takefu.  I was the only medical officer there, and in fact the only officer.  As was perhaps unavoidable in a camp of mixed nationalities, there was occasional friction.  Work in the nearby carbide factory was heavy:  there were many accidents and increasing numbers of men failed in health through being driven incessantly on inadequate rations.  Though Red Cross food was in the store, it was not forthcoming when requested, and, in May, June and July 1945, the food ration was reduced; it was further depleted by the thefts of the Japanese camp staff.  As at other camps, sick men were often forced to work.  Intervention on their behalf was sometimes successful but more often than not led to a worsening of their plight.

Punishments were frequent and I too suffered many indignities.  One barbarous form of punishment was popular with the Japanese.  A man would be forced to kneel on bamboo with crossed legs; another bamboo would be placed behind his knees, and a 4 gallon can of water on his thighs, which he would have to hold still without spilling.  This would continue for as long as an hour and a half.  One man after suffering this punishment had to be carried back to camp, and was unable to walk for four hours.  In one respect, however, Takefu was an improvement on other camps:  once the prisoners had returned from work and had entered their sleeping quarters they were usually left alone.  They did not suffer the mental strain of incessant intrusion by the Japanese looking for trouble and distributing punishments.  There were few serious illnesses in this camp but skin diseases caused by the chemicals with which the men worked were prevalent.  Some medical supplies were available having been brought surreptitiously from Taisho, and though the Japanese took Red Cross supplies to their quarters, they allowed modest requisitions to be filled, usually after furious argument:”

The following is copy of an article from the Medical Journal of Australia of 1 June 1946 page 773. Permission to reproduce the article has been given.  The article is titled EXPERIENCES AS A PRISONER OF WAR IN JAPAN By S.E.L. Stening   Sydney

“My ship was sunk shortly after midnight of February 28, 1942.  The survivors were in the oil-covered water for anything from seven to fifteen hours, and for this reason most of the severely wounded failed to live through the night.  A Japanese destroyer rescued many, who, on reaching the destroyer’s deck, were stripped and searched.  The oil-soaked clothing was immediately jettisoned.  Thus we began our prisoner-of-war life, quite naked, but well covered with oil, some wounded, but with no dressings or instruments at all.

After a day in the destroyer we were transferred to a prison ship.  Over 300 men were crammed into one hold, and here we lived, ate, washed on two occasions, slept and tried to care for the wounded and sick.  Some materials were acquired from the Japanese, but my entire stock of drugs, dressings and instruments fitted into a cardboard shoe box.  However, owing mainly to the sterilizing effect of the fuel oil and salt water, most wounds remained clean during our week on board.  There was only one death; this was from ruptured viscera caused by a torpedo explosion near the man in the water.

From this ship we were taken to a town in western Java, jeered at by the native populace en route.  Here about half were lodged in the local native gaol and half were housed in the cinema.  The gaol was of concrete, and we found it very difficult to rest on these concrete slabs, without clothing or pillow.  The medical officers were locked behind the bars and could do no medical work for ten days, during which time of the hitherto clean wounds became septic.  After ten days my daily duty took me, barefoot, on a hot tarred road, to the cinema about a third of a mile away, where I did a daily “sick call” for well over 100 men.  Dressings and medicines were extremely scarce.  I had one pair of dressing forceps and one pair of scissors, and with these I had to remove shrapnel and do other minor surgery.  For treating dysentery and diarrhoea there was a half-kerosene tin of magnesium sulphate and a small supply of charcoal.  Malaria soon appeared, and for this there was a bottle of some 200 tablets of quinine – this for some 600 men.  Food was in microscopic amounts twice a day, but was supplemented by those few who had negotiable currency.

There were only two deaths in that so-called camp in the four weeks during which I was there, and then twelve other officers and myself were taken to Batavia, thence to a ship and sent post haste to Japan. Once arrived in Japan, this small party was taken straight to an interrogation camp near Yokohama.  In his camp communication with the other prisoners was absolutely forbidden, the diet was about 1,200 calories a day, and here our party languished for five months.  I attempted to assume the position of camp medical officer, until a difference of opinion with the Japanese navel medical orderly led to both the patient and myself being severely beaten with sticks as the “star turn” of a special parade.

Soon after this, in May or June – that is, three or four months after capture – deficiency diseases began to appear.  Some men developed oedema and some developed signs of pellagra.  The latter complaint was most intolerably itchy, weeping eczema of the scrotum.  I can assure that a summer can be most uncomfortable when one is suffering from that complaint.

It was while we were in this camp that we were told that we were not prisoners of war, but still the enemy, the only difference being that we were now unarmed, and that we would not be prisoners until we entered a recognized prisoner-of-war camp.  We were treated accordingly.

We became prisoners officially when we had the great good luck to be sent to the next camp.  There were many medical officers in this camp, both American and Australian; but only two Americans were allowed to practice.  After some two months’ rest and recuperation here, a special party of doctors and orderlies was hurriedly organized and sent to the west to the relief of prisoners brought to Japan in a “hell ship”.  This ship had left Singapore with over 1,000 prisoners aboard; 80 had died between Formosa and Japan from starvation and dysentery.  A further 200 or more died after Japan had been reached.  With scanty materials we had to try to nurse back to health men suffering from most severe dysentery and malnutrition. Our party stayed three months on that job, and less than 60% of our patients walked out with us.  The remainder are buried somewhere in Japan.

For the next few months our small party of eleven travelled in several other camps for like emergencies.  Train travel was quite interesting.  The Japanese civilians never interfered with us, and our guards always made sure we had a comfortable seat by forcibly ejecting the appropriate number of civilians.  Touring Japan came to a close in October, 1943, when I was sent to a new camp on the north coast of Honshiu Island, and it is about some of the medical problems I encountered there that I should like to talk.

This camp was originally one of 200 men, but another 100 arrived in January of the next year.  The men began their sojourn in Japan in fair condition, but soon they were being laid low by the severe climatic conditions and hard work.  It was soon the camp with the worst health record in Osaka area, owing to diarrhoea and deficiency diseases.

Diarrhoea.
Diarrhoea soon became almost universal.  It is certain that a considerable proportion of the prisoners suffered from chronic bacillary and amoebic dysentery – about 30% of those in the camp, I should judge.  But it should be noted that I was never able to do more than inspect the stools and the patient, so my figures may be quite wrong.

As I have said, diarrhoea became universal, and this was the commonest type:  it was a diarrhoea directly related to diet, especially a diet containing an excess of indigestible matter – for example, soya beans, wheat, or a species of partly hulled rice known as “rubber rice”.  The men were starving hungry and used to eat leaves and grass, berries and acorns, with dire results.  Such a meal lay heavily in the gut of the consumer, and after four or more hours he would begin to feel “bloated” and to eructate huge quantities of foul gas.  Diarrhoea soon followed, and before long the sufferer was dehydrated, weak and suffering agonies from colic.  The stools consisted of about a litre of brown fluid containing much undigested food, sour-smelling and bubbling merrily from fermentation.  One could usually tell the exciting factor of the attack by inspecting the stools, for much matter was excreted unchanged.

In treatment, a preliminary dose of castor oil if available gave excellent results, while magnesium sulphate prolonged the attack into the second week.  The drug of choice was “Carbarsone”, one capsule being given once or twice a day for two or three days.  The sulphonamide drugs – sulphaguanidine, sulphadiazine and sulphathiazole – were also efficient even in as small doses as 0.5 grams twice a day.

The diet was reduced to a minimum; but meat and fish were never withheld even in the most severe case.  It seemed so important that each man should have his last milligramme of protein that I encouraged the patients to eat their meat or fish in the hope that some at least might be retained.

The attacks of diarrhoea aggravated any existing vitamin B deficiency and often precipated an exacerbation of clinical beriberi.

The Deficiency Diseases
In this camp of 300 men, I had under treatment at one time (May 17, 1944) 209 suffering from beriberi, 156 suffering from pellagra, 120 suffering from defective eyesight, and eight suffering from nerve deafness.

Beriberi
All the 209 men suffering from beriberi had oedema of mild or severe grade.  In some of these cases the condition could not be distinguished from starvation oedema, but since this condition appeared to pass slowly into the final stage of wet beriberi, I did not try to dissociate them.  A tremendous quantity of vitamin preparations was needed to treat these men, so, since there was only a limited supply, the drugs were rationed according to the severity of the disease.

In my experience the presence or absence of reflexes meant little in the diagnosis of beriberi.  Some of the most severely affected patients I saw, who died by drowning in their own fluids, had a positive reflex until a few days before death.

Bradycardia was the rule, pulse rates below 40 per minute being common.  Any sudden rise in pulse rate was of bad prognostic significance; but men sometimes died with pulse rates of less than 30 per minute.

Blood pressures were always low, the lowest being 88 millimetres of mercury, systolic, and 64 millimetres, diastolic.

The severest cases of beriberi appeared after an attack of diarrhoea or pneumonia which had been treated with sulphonamide drugs.  The effect of all the sulphonamide drugs, even in as small dosage as one gram per day for two days, was to cause an exacerbation of the oedema, usually after a latent period of a week.  Sometimes this exacerbation was pronounced, with oliguria, anasarca, ascites and hydrothorax.  I considered then that the cause was combined liver and kidney failure from the toxicity of the drugs used; but I now know that the cause is the destruction of the intestinal bacteria and subsequent failure of certain vitamins.

In treatment huge doses of thiamine hydrochloride up to 120 milligrammes per day (50 milligrammes by intramuscular injection) had only slight effect.  Other means tried to promote diuresis were the use of sodium caffeine benzoate, “Salyrgan”, urea, “Scillaren” (a preparation of squill), digitalis and hot kidney packs. All these had little effect.  Restriction of the intake of fluids, even to total prohibition, until the tongue was dry, brown and cracked, gave good results.  Salt restriction was unnecessary, since we rarely had any salt.  A diet rich in protein was tried; eight to twelve ounces of canned meat product with 130 grammes of bread and a little fluid gave the best result of all in the only case in which it was tried.  Unfortunately supplies were not enough for another case.

Paracentesis abdominis and paracentesis thoracis were performed frequently.  The loss of protein in this form of therapy was serious but unavoidable.

In this camp of which I am speaking over a period of eight months, there were 41 patients with ascites, nine of whom died; of these 41 patients there were 21 who were subjected to paracentesis abdominis, of whom nine died.  There were nine subjects with pleural effusion, of whom one died; while of the four men who underwent paracentesis thoracis, none died.

My most severe non-fatal case was that of Canadian, who was in hospital for over six months with anasarca, hydrothorax and ascites.  This man ran the gamut of all treatment, including huge doses of thiamine, riboflavin and nicotinic acid.  He suffered paracentesis abdominis  more than 40 times, over 161 litres of fluid being removed; 300 millilitres of fluid were also removed from his thorax.  This was the case in which the high protein diet was so successful.  The patient was oedema-free when last examined.

Pellagra
The most prominent symptoms of pellagra that I saw were as follows:  glazed tongue and angular stomatitis; dark, fish-scale skin; eczema of the scrotum; defective vision; painful feet; diabetes insipidus and polyuria; mental deterioration.

Now the syndrome of “painful feet” may be present without other signs of pellagra.  This syndrome presents with burning, tingling, shooting pains and numbness in the toes, feet and legs, and occasionally the hands.  This condition led to much misery, sleeplessness and even death from pure exhaustion.  Relief was found from exposure to cold, and so these men used to sleep, in winter, with their feet poking out from under their blankets; they walked barefooted on frozen ground and soaked their feet in icy water.  The result was gangrene, analogous to the “trench foot” of the last war.  The skin of toes, whole toes and even feet would become gangrenous and separate after a period of months.  Of the 200 men in camp, no less than 85 were affected in some degree in the months of December, January and February.

The loss of sleep from the “painful foot” syndrome was much diminished during the winter months, since most of the men had partly frozen feet with complete anaesthesia almost to the knee.  There was no way of avoiding the frozen feet, since the men had to go to work; many had no socks, their boots had worn out, and they were wearing Japanese canvas and rubber boots which remained wet until the snow and slush of winter had passed.  These men had to work in snow and water, exposed to icy winds, with little clothing and poor food for all that dreadful winter.  Finally, when rubber knee boots were provided late in February, it was found that many men were too weak to lift one foot after the other in them, and so they had to revert to their smaller, wet, canvas boots.

In that camp, out of 200 original workers, 36 or 18% lost their lives from exposure, diarrhoea and malnutrition, including one man who froze to death under eight blankets.

Another symptom of pellagra that I should like to mention is the frequency of micturition and enuresis which occurred.  Diabetes insipidus is stated to be a symptom of pellagra, and these men certainly had it.  A diet of soup, boiled grain and tea supplied a sufficiency of fluid, which was eliminated gleefully by efficient kidneys.  The men’s bladders became increasingly sensitive, and it was no uncommon thing for a man to get up and pass urine fifteen times in a night.  Some men found it impossible to hold their urine until they reached the latrine, and they eventually reached a stage when they passed their urine in bed through sheer exhaustion.  As these men slept in every stitch of clothing they possessed, all their clothing, blankets and mats became wet, smelly and sodden with urine.  Punishment was their lot when this state of affairs was discovered on inspections.  You can imagine the feelings of the Japanese when a urine-soaked sleeping mat produced a fine crop of mushrooms early in the summer.

Comment
I have mentioned only a few of my experiences; other camps were similar, and so I close, hoping that I have given you an idea of my last visit to Japan.”

*Read at a meeting of the New South Wales Branch of the British Medical Association on March 15, 1946”.

Finally, the following two extracts concerning to Sam Stening were found in Max Venables book “From Wayville to Changi and Beyond”.ISBN 0 9579688 0 9

“The Quartermaster of the camp (Taisho Sub Camp – Osaka) Matsumoto, commonly known as “Matsy” openly expressed his hatred of the prisoners of war because of their continual protests in regard to the poor quality and inadequate supply of food.  He always appeared eager to establish friendly relations between himself and the few prisoner of war officers in the camp., and except for one occasion when Lt Surgeon Stening objected to an order given by “Matsy” in that a party of light duty prisoners of war who were suffering from cardiac Beriberi, oedema, boils, diarrhoea and minor injuries received at the Osaka Steel Works, were required to shift a large dump of coal (approximately five tons) a distance of approximately two hundred yards, in buckets and improvised baskets.  “Matsy” resented Stening’s interference and attacked him with a length of one inch hose pipe (approximately two feet six inches in length (80cm)).  He struck at least six times, then ordered Stening to join the party and shift the coal.  P455

The following appears to be in a report written by Major R V Glasgow or Lt Evans about Taisho POW Sub Camp – Osaka.-
“Surg/Lieutenant Samuel E.L.Stening, Medical Officer of HMAS Perth, arrived at the camp on 24 June 1944.  He arrived at a time when morale was weakening and spirits low, generally. His advent was the dawning of a new era in our existence and too much cannot be said of his medical ability – his help and encouragement to the sick and later when he administered the camp from 31 March ’45 until 3 September ’45, his leadership and example was of material assistance to everyone during what was probably the most difficult of their incarceration.  It is desired to place on record the gratitude of myself and all members of “G” Force for what Surg/Lieutenant Stening accomplished.  He also was beaten up on several occasions whilst voicing his protests re medical matters.”p478

Sam Stening was married just before moving to Java in August 1941.  Post War Dr Sam Stening resumed his life as a doctor specialising in Paediatrics.  The Intensive Care Ward at the Crown Street Women’s Hospital was named after him.
Sam’s wife Olive enlisted in the WRANS on 7 December 1942 and served until 17 July 1945

Sam passed away on 9 March 1983.  His wife died the previous year.

In St Kilda Road, Melbourne, in the vicinity of the Shrine of Remembrance, there is a statue of Sir Weary Dunlop, a WW2 Army Medical Officer, who became a legend as a Prisoner of War and did significant work in other areas post war..  On the face of the treds of the stairs leading to the stature has been added the names on another 121 Medical Officers who were also Prisoners of War of the Japanese.  My impression is that they were added as an afterthought.  In fact, a total oversight was the name of Surgeon Lieutenant Commander Sam Stening.  That error was rectified in 2007 when the name of Sam Stening was included and dedicated in the presence of his daughter and other family friends.  See picture above.

Article compiled by Lt Col Peter Winstanley OAM RFD JP with the assistance of Sam Stening’s  brother Dr Malcolm Stening, Sam’s his daughter Mrs Putch Lyle, Mr Ian Pfenningwerth (author of the book “The Australian Cruiser Perth”), Max Venables (the author of the book “From Wayville to Changi and Beyond” and Michael Dowsett.

indonesian version:

Kapten James Thomas Finimore QX25482 Officer Gigi
  

 
 

Sejumlah dokter gigi Australia telah diidentifikasi sebagai dipekerjakan di Thailand Burma Railway. Mereka Kapten Stuart Simpson, Mac Winchester, Bill Treleven, Roy Mannion, Jock Clarke dan Jim Finimore. Sedikit telah tercatat, juga belum pernah terjadi pengakuan yang cukup, merawat pekerjaan mereka untuk POW sesama mereka. Karena pelatihan profesional mereka mampu memberikan kontribusi yang signifikan dengan membantu orang sakit. (Sebagai sesuatu yang berhubungan, ada hal yang menarik untuk dicatat bahwa di Ambon, ketika Medical Officer Kapten Peter Davidson dibunuh pada tanggal 15 Februari 1943, dengan kekuatan keadaan, peran Petugas Medis (dokter) substansial jatuh pada Dental Officer Kapten G Marshall.)

James Finimore lahir di Ipswitch pada tanggal 9 Juni 1906. Pada pecahnya Perang ia mencoba mendaftarkan diri di Angkatan Laut. Kemudian pada tahun 1940 ia mencoba mendaftarkan diri di Angkatan Darat Australia sebagai tentara pribadi. Untungnya, ia diakui dan ditugaskan pada 9 September tahun 1940 sebagai Officer Dental dengan pangkat Kapten. Dia telah posting di Gaythorne dan Redbank di Brisbane. Berikut ini adalah fotonya, diambil dengan anggota lain dari Unit Dental, di Camp Redbank, Queensland. Di sebelah kanannya adalah rekan Dental Officer Kapten Roy Mannion.

Baik Jim Finimore dan Roy Mannion ditangkap pada jatuhnya Singapura pada tanggal 15 Februari 1945. Selanjutnya mereka berdua dikirim ke Thailand Burma Railway bersama dengan 61.000 POW lainnya. Jim Finimore pergi ke Thailand sebagai anggota dari “D” Angkatan Maret 1943 dan Roy Mannion juga pergi ke Thailand sebagai anggota dari “F” Paksa bulan berikutnya.

Kapten Finimore telah posting ke sejumlah Gigi dan Medical Unit, dan di Singapura dengan Divisi 8 ketika Singapura jatuh pada tanggal 15 Februari 1942. Artikel ini, telah disiapkan tentang pengalaman Jim Finimore sebagai Tawanan Perang, dari tangannya menuliskan catatan. Ini tercatat dalam buku catatan Jepang dan ditulis dengan pensil. Lihat halaman dari buku catatan pada akhir artikel ini.

Berikut ini adalah interpretasi dari buku harian ditranskripsi Kapten Jim Finimore’s disajikan sebagai narasi, dalam bentuk lampau. Hal ini dilakukan oleh Jacqueline dan Charles Wellings, anak perempuan dan anak-dalam-hukum Jim Finimore. Pemilik website Petrus Winstanley, dengan persetujuan dari Charles dan Jacqueline Wellings memiliki interpretasi mereka ringan diedit yang berikut: –

“Di Singapura, kami pertama kali diberitahu bahwa kami menjadi tawanan perang pada 12 Februari 1942. Tentara sekutu menyerah kepada Jepang pada tanggal 15 Februari. Saya merasa sangat tertekan dan sengsara. Banyak dari kita yang cemas. The penjara di Changi dipilih sebagai P.O.W. kamp. kamp itu tidak akan pernah terlupakan!

Pada tanggal 3 April aku meninggalkan Changi untuk pergi ke Adam Park (sekitar 30 km jauhnya) yang telah menjadi barak militer Inggris. Kelompok ini termasuk teman-teman saya Medis Pejabat Majors Hugh Rayson dan Alan Hazelton, Kapten Parker dan Roy Dick Mills, Mills bersama dengan Lt Gerry Vetch (QM dari 2 / 9 Lapangan Ambulans) tim yang sangat baik. Personel di kamp yang sering berubah. Petugas Medis Lainnya Jurusan Bon Rogers, Tim Hogg dan Jock Frew (Pasca Perang Sir John Frew) datang dan pergi. Ada tahanan Inggris di pintu kamp berikutnya di mana saya bertemu dengan seorang anak yang baik bernama Letnan Kolonel Harvey (a British Medical Officer).

Ada operasi gigi yang sangat halus di kamp. Fasilitas ini sangat baik dengan sistem air panas dan sisi halus ek-board dan meja gigi. Ada banyak pekerjaan yang harus dilakukan, dengan 3000 tahanan di kamp itu, sekitar setengah dari mereka Australia. Persediaan sangat pendek tetapi nips (Jepang) memungkinkan kami untuk membeli beberapa. Jumat adalah hari belanja. Kami pergi ke Singapura dalam perjalanan truk. Kota ini masih cukup [sibuk] dan Cina masih memegang kendali. T & S Brothers memiliki depo pasokan gigi di Upper Hocking Street. Mereka siap untuk memberikan kredit, walaupun mereka ingin tahu apakah persediaan itu untuk kami atau nips.

Sebuah penerjemah baru tiba di kamp kami, Kapten Andrew, seorang Padre Anglikan, yang lahir di Jepang dan tinggal di sana selama 30 tahun. Dia tahu orang Jepang dengan baik. Para pemuda yang bekerja di lapangan golf tua, di bawah sebuah kuil mengkonversinya menjadi sebuah Memorial.

Saya punya satu perjalanan ke Singapura untuk membeli ragi dari Tiger Brewery. Ada kejadian lucu banyak terjadi setiap hari di kamp. Kami berhasil mendapatkan pasokan bensin untuk roller uap, (yang, tentu saja, tidak menggunakan bensin). pedang Seorang perwira itu ditemukan terkubur di menguras semen. Ada juga kantin kamp yang merupakan urusan lucu, seperti pasar Melayu.

Saya memiliki perjalanan kembali ke Changi dengan beberapa tahanan sakit. The Padre lama ada rekan menarik dan seorang Kristen yang baik. Dia memiliki kapel yang baru juga. Mereka konser baik dengan beberapa anak laki-laki membuat perempuan baik-baik saja. Ada grand piano, biola dan bass besar dibuat di kamp dari dada teh. Aku senang aku tidak tinggal di Changi. Saya telah kehilangan iman rekan-rekan profesional saya. Mereka malas dan tidak kooperatif dengan FYJ (“F … kamu Jack”) sikap. Metode Australia memilih D.O. (Tugas Officer) [… … … … … .. Reid setelah McDonnel, Fritz & Co].

Ada acara yang sangat baik pada Hari Anzac, dengan banyak yang hadir. Layanan gereja dihadiri juga. Kolonel Oakes (CO 2 / 26 milyar dan kemudian Senior AIF petugas “H” Force Thailand) adalah attender sangat biasa. Dia memperkenalkan pertemuan Jumat malam semua petugas dengan kuliah pada mata pelajaran medis, militer, musik dan humoris, lebah ejaan dan hal-hal lain.

Ada kejadian menarik di sini satu hari. Dua pemuda masuk ke kamp membawa tandu tertutup oleh selimut. The nips menghentikan mereka tetapi mereka mengatakan kepada mereka itu adalah pasien yang sangat sakit terburu-buru. The nips memungkinkan mereka melalui. Sebenarnya, ada bangkai seekor lembu jantan dicuri, dibunuh dan berpakaian di atas tandu.

Saya melihat banyak nips di operasi saya. Mereka terus saya merokok dan saya memiliki jumlah besar rokok Virginia. Dua botol bir datang satu hari. Kami kekurangan minyak tanah ketika aku membujuk Jap untuk memiliki plat gigi dibuat. Ia memasok bahan bakar. Setiap hari ia datang ia membawa sebotol minyak tanah. Pada kunjungan terakhirnya ia membawa bir bukan minyak tanah.

Aku lagi perjalanan ke T & S Brothers. Ada sebuah insiden yang melibatkan [dicuri] gula dan bensin lain terlibat dalam sebuah toko India. The nips brutal dihukum tentara yang terlibat dalam mencuri dari gudang tepi laut (godowns). Mereka mencuri makanan, merokok, pakaian tua, sepatu dan lain-lain. Orang-orang masuk dan keluar dengan paket makanan yang tersembunyi di kruk atau di mana pun. Ada banyak pencarian, tapi makanan hanya kadang-kadang ditemukan.

Kami tidak dapat memahami nips. Salah satunya adalah bagus, berikutnya akan bash Anda bodoh menggunakan apa-apa dari tongkat ke batang besi.

I pecah hari satu kamp dan pergi berjalan-jalan panjang melalui sebuah kampung (desa Melayu) ke rumah orang India di mana saya membaca koran dan minum dan makan. Aku bisa melihat nips sementara aku berada di sana. Saya menemukan kismis dapat buah baik-baik saja, kadang-kadang.
Para nips memutuskan bahwa meja saya tidak cocok sehingga mereka mengambilnya. Salah satu makhluk memiliki gigi yang buruk dengan nyeri pasca operasi. Saya menyarankan morfin. Jadi aku pergi ke pondok mereka dan duduk. Aku dibawa jus jeruk dari satu pintu, sedangkan dari merokok dan lain datang dari ketiga, sepotong roti. Saya menerima total 80 rokok malam itu.

Cara kita menerima berita kami menarik. Terima kasih Tuhan untuk nirkabel. Kami memiliki satu dijalankan oleh signalers dengan earphone di bawah bantal tersambung ke meter mengatur jauhnya. Salah satu set berada dalam bin debu di kamar mandi. Beberapa nips masuk dan seperti yang mereka lakukan begitu, tertib diperintahkan untuk membuang sampah. Jadi mengatur berjalan di bawah hidung mereka!

Saya sudah berjalan lama untuk Gallaghan’s (Kol Lt Gallaghan AIF Senior Officer di Singapura setelah Agustus / September 1942) perkemahan, dan Padre pergi sebagai tertib saya, dan kami memiliki tamasya menyenangkan.

Kami beruntung bisa mendapatkan makanan di kota. mengacaukan kami kelas pertama dengan kompor listrik. Saya bertemu banyak teman lama seperti Bung, Winter dan Stan Roberts. Aku Ferguson ke teh sore dengan dua petugas gigi Inggris, Brennan dan Doyle. Saya punya satu perjalanan ke Changi diikuti oleh pihak di Hotel Adelphi dengan nips.

Selama periode Juni-Oktober 1942, semua pasukan Inggris dipindahkan ke Thailand jadi kami mengambil alih perkemahan mereka. Hal itu sangat kasar tapi kami membuatnya menjadi kamp kelas satu. Kami bergerak di segala, bahkan lemari es, senjata tommy, nirkabel dan amunisi. penjaga kami melihat para penjaga Nip. Para Sikh adalah jenis buruk penjaga. Tapi, kehidupan yang baik di Syme Road dengan berita nirkabel di tengah malam.

Lain perjalanan ke Brewery selesai di ujung Tanglin Road. Pada Boxing Day 1943 saya kembali ke Changi. Masih tempat yang mengerikan, sangat bahagia, tapi dengan hiburan kelas satu, konser dan hal-hal lain. Foster Haig, seorang penyanyi tenor, sangat indah. (Foster Haig adalah seorang Chaplain Inggris yang meninggal di daerah Songkurai, di Thailand utara, dekat perbatasan Burma, akhir 1943)

Pada bulan Maret 1943, saya terikat pada Don Force dan dikirim langsung ke Thailand. kesan pertama saya ada yang baik. pihak kami pindah ke suatu tempat yang bernama Tarsoa. Tayangan sini mengerikan. Belanda sudah pergi. Aku bertemu Letnan Kolonel Harvey (British Medical Officer) lagi. Kondisi AIF miskin. Aku punya 5 £ tujuh shilling senilai koper malam itu.

Pada Anzac Day aku melihat melanggar lengkap Don Force. Pada 10 Juni saya adalah satu-satunya Don perwira Angkatan di Tarsoa. Sebuah rumah sakit baru dibentuk oleh bank sungai. Kapten Vardy (Inggris MO) adalah CO Pekerjaan itu cukup ringan dengan 350 pasien di 3 kelurahan. Pada bulan Juli kedokteran gigi itu cahaya. Aku dibuat ajudan, atau registrar dari rumah sakit. Ivan? adalah RSM itu.

Rumah sakit tumbuh pesat. Selama bulan Agustus dan September, bekerja terus-menerus pada kereta api, yang semakin baik, tapi kami mengamati hasil kilat dengan pasien yang datang turun dari utara dalam keadaan mengejutkan. Orang Jepang memiliki banyak jawaban! Rumah sakit tumbuh menjadi 2.777 pasien. Suatu hari ada 300 pasien keluar dan 540 masuk partai terakhir yang tiba di 22:00 Aku tidak pernah melihat laki-laki dalam bentuk yang lebih buruk daripada di Tarsoa. Dengan masuknya laki-laki ada juga masuknya petugas yang manja kekacauan yang menyenangkan kita. Tapi, itu OK.

Martin, Bonso dan Mason adalah fellows grand. Saya menjadi erat terkait dengan Kol Harvey yang menggunakan tempat tidur dan meja sebagai miliknya. Dia adalah seorang nelayan yang tajam juga, ketika ia dibutuhkan oleh bank sungai.
Aku ingat minum gin dengan dokter Nip dan menjual selimut dan kit. Sebuah kawanan gajah mengunjungi pusat gigi. The nips mempertanyakan Kol Dunlop dan McEachern tentang satu set nirkabel.

Ada parade cek di rumah sakit: Hinimarma atau Tuhan di Surga bisnis. Saya membuat catatan untuk mengingat bagaimana uang diperoleh Kanchanburi.

Ada sebuah insiden di cookhouse melibatkan Norby Watts, John Day dan Jack Marsh. Itu adalah hari Natal yang mengerikan di cookhouse itu. Ada kunjungan malam ke sungai dan di samping kamar kecil pria. Allan, Bonso, Kolonel Harvey dan saya berbicara setelah lampu dimatikan. Ada parade memeriksa ketika orang-orang tidur masuk Euki adalah orang jahat. Orang sakit dievakuasi ke sebuah kamp sakit baru di Nakom Patom.

Saya dipindahkan ke Tamuang. Kami melihat lebih dekat selama hari-hari, dan tidak ada kebebasan. The nips memberi kita dengan minuman dan aku berkali-kali mabuk, waktu pertama dengan Walker CO.

Aku tidak akan pernah melupakan Natal 1943, dengan Barnett, dan Hazelton, Bonzo, bajingan! Ivan membuat saya ke tempat tidur.

Pada bulan Januari 1944 partai pekerja, tentara dan petugas, melakukan kontak dengan Thailand untuk uang dan berita. Para nips menemukan hal ini, tapi itu hampir berhasil. Namun, kawan-kawan memang mendapat masalah. Beberapa dari mereka memiliki kecenderungan untuk pergi ke luar perkemahan. Ada beberapa penghibur Nip baik.

Suatu malam, Harvey, Knights, Lilly, McEachern dan saya memanjat pagar sepuluh kaki dan berjalan ke sebuah desa Thailand. Delapan orang tidur di satu ruangan. Mereka memberi kami minuman hijau paw-paw dan pisang. Sebuah Thailand membawa kami ke kampung lain untuk melihat istrinya yang disebut. Itu terlambat tidak ada diaduk jadi kami kembali ke perkemahan untuk makan dan minum di bawah sinar bulan. Kami memiliki permainan buaian pada hari ulang tahun saya *.

Pada Malam Tahun Baru ada insiden penembakan. Aku tidur di tempat tidur di lantai di bawah yang ruang bawah tanah. Selalu ada 3 atau lebih botol wiski di sana. Aku merasa agak berbahaya. Namun, Apa yang Ho!

* Ini di luar konteks. ulang tahun Jim adalah pada bulan Juni.

Pada bulan Januari 1945, petugas diperintahkan untuk meninggalkan kamp ini. Col? sekarang kepala tidak resmi.

Whisky digantikan oleh botol uang. Saya berpikir bahwa kita harus tertangkap satu hari. Kerja adalah banyak dan aku punya beberapa kasus yang menarik, beberapa nips dengan radang gusi.

Para nips adalah waspada terhadap sesuatu yang khawatir mereka. Mereka mencari kamp perwira. Mereka datang dengan sekop, tapi kami beruntung lagi, kami mendapat kabar itu dan CO dihapus botol uang sebelum nips tiba. Arthur Moon beruntung.

Aku ingat betapa beruntungnya CO itu ketika ia 2000 dolar anyaman nya. Ini adalah pekerjaan yang baik yang berada di tas mangga kit nya. Aku tidak ingin melupakan perjalanan ke Kinsayok (tidak ada tanggal). Ada pembicaraan tentang pindah ke sebuah kamp baru di Pratchai. Aku pergi dalam sebuah pesta awal melalui sawah – Suzaki dalam – tidak ada lumpur. Bagaimana kamp ditingkatkan.

Setelah kapitulasi dari nips itu sangat tenang. Seorang juru datang mengunjungi kami, dan pada kunjungan kedua ia membawa minum beberapa. Saya mengunjungi Kapten Redman dari Pengawal Skotlandia. Kami masih menunggu keberangkatan kami. Pertanyaan kerja telah dibangkitkan. Di Changi itu sesedikit mungkin oleh semua. Pada Adam Park 70% dari AIF pas naik .*

Catatan rumah sakit termasuk Tamuang, yang disimpan oleh Deveney. D Angkatan dentally fit. Rekaman menunjukkan hasil menyedihkan banyak orang yang telah dipaksa bekerja. Aku ingat pemandangan laki-laki kembali dari hutan untuk Tarsoa, dan hukuman mengerikan yang diadopsi oleh Jepang. Mereka membuat mereka menahan beban berat di atas kepala mereka di lengan panjang, dan siapa pun retak yang melemah dengan bambu. The Kempe Jepang (polisi rahasia) diteror banyak dari kita.

nirkabel kami selalu menjadi perhatian ke Jepang. Mereka menemukan satu di Kanchanaburi dengan hasil yang menakutkan. Hal ini terlacak dari Adam Park. Jock Fraser, Hawley dan perusahaan pergi ke kuburan mereka.

Selama eksistensi ini, Belanda tidak pernah lupa keluarga kerajaan mereka, memegang pihak pada semua hari ulang tahun mereka. Kami bermain jembatan, poker dan ponton dengan Jackes, Higgins, Shield dan Hart. [Ada lelucon lokal.] Apa definisi dari Umph – efek yang sama pada manusia sebagai pemanas sentral.

30 Agustus 1945 adalah hari yang besar. Itu adalah ulang tahun Ratu Belanda. Ada Levy di pagi hari dan pesta pada malam hari. Gubernur mengunjungi Kolonel Lilley dan menawarkan seorang gadis, cantik pemalu yang tidak pernah “melakukan ini” sebelumnya. Saya juga ingat Tom upaya Evans dengan penjaga di pintu gerbang dan kunjungannya ke Suzaki mengenakan singlet tanpa sepatu.

Kami pesta di Swanburi, konser juga. Saya punya beberapa minuman di pasar dengan pilot Thailand.

Pada tanggal 6 September 1945, saya datang ke Bangkok dengan hanya handuk kecil dan diberitahu untuk tinggal dan tinggal di Hotel Oriental. Jadi, ada aku, di celana pendek dan kemeja dan topi. Namun, itu OK. Saya pikir saya akan melakukan perjalanan ke Tamuang sementara aku menunggu gigi saya.
Tom Petitie memberi saya $ 50. Aku tidak bisa tidak memperhatikan bagaimana rekan-rekan kita masuk ke sepatu sesegera mungkin. Saya mengunjungi Dick Leftwitch (mungkin QX5483), Quarter Master, dan mendapatkan sepatu dan makanan. Aku punya anak laki-laki ke hotel. Ivan sangat senang, dia tidak mengharapkan itu. Saya mendapat $ 50 dari Clarkson dan keluar sedikit. Aku mulai keluar untuk melihat menggoda strip kabaret, tapi gagal, finishing di lain kabaret mana penari perut berpakaian hitam dan putih. Seorang gadis yang agak gelap.

Saya mengunjungi Istana yang hanya massa candi yang terbuat dari potongan-potongan yang sangat kecil dari kaca, ½ “x ½” di semua warna, merah dan kuning. Tempat-tempat yang raksasa.

Saya menemukan sebuah buku yang bagus untuk anak-anak untuk membaca oleh seorang penulis Jerman: Pada Growing Up. Aku punya perjalanan sekitar China Town, melihat Bait Suci dan anak laki-laki tua dengan pipa opium dan hal-hal. Ada tua “hantu” yang selalu berkeliaran di malam hari. Aku pergi menemui Tom Ashley di rumah sakit. Ada pesta Siam di rumah sakit. Ada banyak penyelaman rendah. Aku ingat sebuah insiden di Rumah Sakit Alexandra (dijelaskan, Ed), anggrek dan menggoda strip di Su Nan Tar. Ada pertempuran antara Cina dan Thailand. Saya telah menerima banyak surat. Dan ada sebuah acara besar dan hiburan di rumah seorang pria Denmark, Mr Vervelts.

Catatan oleh Wellings Jacqueline dan Charles – Editors. Diary itu berakhir dengan beberapa catatan penuh teka-teki yang terbaca, dan mungkin pengingat insiden dia tidak tercatat. Ada juga beberapa statistik rinci pasien, penyakit mereka menderita dan indikasi jumlah makanan yang disediakan oleh Jepang.

Contoh dari catatan tertulis pensil yang Jacqueline dan Charles Wellings harus menafsirkan berikut. Anda akan mencatat bahwa halaman-halaman buku catatan memiliki karakter Jepang sebagai header kolom. Dengan demikian diasumsikan bahwa catatan ini ditulis segera setelah kapitulasi oleh Jepang setelah 15 Agustus 1945. Kalau saja halaman ini bisa bicara!!. Sebuah sketsa Jim Finimore oleh salah satu Narapidana sesama of War juga di bawah ini.

 
 

Saya berterima kasih kepada Jacqueline dan Charles untuk kesempatan rekaman Kapten Finimore’s pengalaman POW dan menambah catatan kontribusi Pelayanan Kesehatan (Medis, Gigi) dalam bab ini menyedihkan Sejarah Militer kita. Jim Finimore berhasil membawa kaki portabel nya dioperasikan bor gigi dengan dia di Kereta Api. Sebagaimana disebutkan di atas, notebook Finimore termasuk statistik dan komentar lain yang belum termasuk dalam artikel ini. Saya juga berterima kasih kepada Marie Wilson yang mengetik ini dan memungkinkannya untuk dipublikasikan

 
 

english version

Captain James Thomas Finimore QX25482 Dental Officer

 

 

A number of Australian dentists have been identified as being employed on the Burma Thailand Railway.  They were Captains Stuart Simpson, Mac Winchester, Bill Treleven, Roy Mannion, Jock Clarke and Jim Finimore.  Little has been recorded, nor has there been sufficient acknowledgement, of their work caring for their fellow POWs.  Because of their professional training they were able to make a significant contribution assisting with the sick.  (As a related matter, it is of interest to note that on Ambon, when the Medical Officer Captain Peter Davidson was killed on 15 February 1943, by force of circumstance, the role of Medical Officer (doctor) substantially fell on the Dental Officer Captain G Marshall.)

James Finimore was born in Ipswitch on 9 June 1906.  At the outbreak of War he tried to enlist in the Navy.  Then in 1940 he tried to enlist in the Australian Army as a private soldier.  Fortunately, he was recognized and commissioned on 9 September 1940 as a Dental Officer with the rank of Captain.  He had postings at Gaythorne and Redbank in Brisbane.  The following is a picture of him, taken with other members of the Dental Unit, at the Redbank Camp, Queensland.  On his right is a fellow Dental Officer Captain Roy Mannion.

Both Jim Finimore and Roy Mannion were captured at the fall of Singapore on 15 February 1945.  Subsequently they both were sent to the Burma Thailand Railway along with 61,000 other POWs.  Jim Finimore went to Thailand as a member of “D” Force in March 1943 and Roy Mannion also went to Thailand as a member of “F” Force the following month.

Captain Finimore had postings to a number of Dental and Medical Units, and was in Singapore with the 8th Division when Singapore fell on 15 February 1942. This article, has been prepared about the experiences of Jim Finimore as a Prisoner of War, from his hand written notes.  These were recorded in a Japanese notebook and written in pencil.  See a page from the note book at the end of this article.

The following is an interpretation of Captain Jim Finimore’s transcribed diary presented as a narrative, in the past tense.  This was done by Jacqueline and Charles Wellings, the daughter and son-in-law of Jim Finimore.    The website owner Peter Winstanley, with the approval of Charles and Jacqueline Wellings has lightly edited their interpretation which follows:-“In Singapore, we were first notified that we were to become prisoners of war on 12th February, 1942.  The allied forces capitulated to the Japanese on 15th February.  I felt very depressed and miserable.  Many of us were anxious.  The gaol at Changi was chosen as the P.O.W. camp.  That camp will never be forgotten!

On April 3rd I left Changi to go to Adam Park (about 30 kms away) which had been a British Army barracks.  The group included my friends Medical Officers Majors Hugh Rayson and Alan Hazelton, Captains Dick Parker and Roy Mills, Mills together with Lt Gerry Vetch (QM of 2/9 Field Ambulance) a very good team.   The personnel in that camp were often changed.  Other Medical Officers Majors Bon Rogers, Tim Hogg and Jock Frew (Post War Sir John Frew) came and left.  There were British prisoners in the camp next door where I met a good chap named Lt Colonel Harvey (a British Medical Officer).

There was a very fine dental surgery in the camp.  The facilities were excellent with hot water systems and a silky oak side-board and dental table.  There was plenty of work to do, with 3000 prisoners in the camp, about half of them Australians.  Supplies were very short but the Nips (Japanese) allowed us to buy some.  Friday was shopping day.  We went to Singapore in a trip truck.  The city was still quite [busy] and the Chinese were still in control.  T & S Brothers had a dental supply depot at Upper Hocking Street.  They were prepared to give me credit, although they were anxious to know if the supplies were for us or the Nips.

A new interpreter arrived in our camp, Captain Andrew, an Anglican Padre, who was born in Japan and lived there for 30 years.  He knew the Japanese well.  The lads were working on the old golf course, below a shrine converting an area into a Memorial.

I had another trip to Singapore to buy yeast from the Tiger Brewery.  There were many funny incidents occurring daily in the camp.  We managed to get a supply of petrol for a steam roller, (which, of course, didn’t use petrol).  An officer’s sword was found buried in a cement drain.  There was also a camp canteen which was an amusing affair, much like a Malayan market.

I had a trip back to Changi with some sick prisoners.  The old Padre there is an interesting fellow and a good Christian.  He has a new chapel, too.  They had a fine concert with some of the boys making fine girls.  There was a grand piano, violins and big basses made in the camp from tea chests.  I was glad I did not stay in Changi.  I had lost faith in my professional colleagues.  They were lazy and uncooperative with a FYJ (“F… you Jack”) attitude.  The Australian method of choosing a D.O. (Duty Officer) [……… Reid …….. after McDonnel, Fritz & Co].

There was a very fine show on Anzac Day, with many in attendance.  The church service was well attended too.  Colonel Oakes (CO 2/26 Bn and later Senior AIF officer “H” Force Thailand) is a very regular attender.  He introduced Friday night meetings of all the officers with lectures on medical, military, musical and humorous subjects, spelling bees and other things.

There was an interesting incident here one day.  Two lads walked into the camp carrying a stretcher covered by a blanket.  The Nips stopped them but they told them it was a very sick patient in a hurry.  The Nips allowed them through.  Actually, there was a carcass of a stolen bullock, killed and dressed on the stretcher.

I saw a lot of Nips in my surgery.  They kept me in smokes and I had a large quantity of Virginia cigarettes.  Two bottles of beer came one day.  We were short of kerosene when I persuaded a Jap to have a dental plate made.  He supplied fuel.  Each day that he came he brought a bottle of kerosene.  On his final visit he brought beer instead of kerosene.

I made another trip to T & S Brothers.  There was an incident involving [stolen] sugar and another involving petrol in an Indian shop.  The Nips brutally punished troops who were involved in stealing from the waterfront warehouses (godowns).  They stole food, smokes, old clothes, boots and other things.  The men went in and came out with food packets hidden in the crutch or anywhere.  There were many searches, but food was only sometimes found.

We could not understand the Nips.  One was good, the next would bash you silly using anything from a stick to an iron bar.

I broke out of the camp one day and went for a long walk through a kampong (Malay village) to an Indian’s home where I read the paper and drank and ate.  I could see the Nips while I was there.  I found currants could be fine fruit, sometimes.
The Nips decided that my desk was not suitable so they took it away.  One of those creatures had a bad tooth with post-operative pain.  I suggested morphia.  So I went to their cottage and sat down.  I was brought orange juice from one door, while from another came smokes and from a third, a loaf of bread.  I received a total of 80 cigarettes that night.

The way we received our news was interesting.  Thank God for wireless.  We had one run by signalers with earphones under the pillow connected to the set yards away.  One of the sets was in a dust bin in the bathroom.  Some Nips walked in and as they did so, the orderly was ordered to remove the rubbish bin.  So the set walked out under their noses!

I had a long walk to Gallaghan’s (Lt Col Gallaghan Senior AIF Officer in Singapore after Aug/Sept 1942) camp, and the Padre went as my orderly, and we had a pleasant outing.

We were lucky to be able to obtain food in the town.  Our mess was first class with an electric stove.  I met many old friends like Bung, Winter and Stan Roberts.  I had Ferguson over to afternoon tea with two English dental officers, Brennan and Doyle.  I had another trip to Changi followed by a party at the Adelphi Hotel with the Nips.

Over the period June to October 1942, all the English troops were moved to Thailand so we took over their camp.  It was very rough but we made it into a first class camp.  We moved everything across, even the refrigerator, tommy guns, wireless and ammunition.  Our guards watched the Nip guards.  The Sikhs were a bad type of guard.  But, life was good at Syme Road with wireless news at midnight.

Another trip to the Brewery finished at Tanglin Road terminus.  On Boxing Day 1943 I returned to Changi.  It was still a dreadful place, very unhappy, but with first class entertainment, concerts and other things.  Foster Haig, a tenor singer, was wonderful.  (Foster Haig was a British Chaplain who died in the Songkurai area, in northern Thailand, near the Burmese border, late 1943)

In March 1943, I was attached to Don Force and sent direct to Thailand.  My first impressions there were good.  Our party moved on to a place called Tarsoa.  Impressions here were dreadful.  The Dutch had departed.  I met Lt Col Harvey (British Medical Officer) again.  The condition of the AIF was poor.  I got five pounds seven shillings worth of valise that night.

On Anzac Day I saw a complete breaking of Don Force.  On June 10th I was the only Don Force officer at Tarsoa.  A new hospital was formed by the river bank. Capt Vardy (British MO) was the CO.  The work was fairly light with 350 patients in 3 wards.  In July the dentistry was light.  I was made adjutant, or registrar of the hospital.  Ivan ? was the RSM.

The hospital grew rapidly.  During August and September, work continued on the railway, which was getting better, but we observed the results of a blitz with patients coming down from the north in a shocking state.  The Japs had a lot to answer for!  The hospital grew to 2,777 patients.  One day there were 300 patients out and 540 in.  The last party to arrive at 10p.m.  I never saw men in worse shape than at Tarsoa.  With the influx of men there was also an influx of officers who spoilt our pleasant mess.  But, it was OK.

Martin, Bonso and Mason were grand fellows.  I became closely associated with Col Harvey who used my bed and table as his own.  He was a keen fisherman too, when he was needed by the river bank.
I remember drinking gin with a Nip doctor and selling a blanket and kit.  A herd of elephants visited the dental centre.  The Nips questioned Col Dunlop and McEachern about a wireless set.

There was a check parade at the hospital: Hinimarma or God in Heaven business.  I made a note to remember how money was obtained Kanchanburi.

There was an incident at the cookhouse involving Norby Watts, John Day and Jack Marsh.  It was a dreadful Christmas Day at the cookhouse.  There were nightly visits to the river and beside the men’s room.  Allan, Bonso, Col Harvey and I talked after lights out.  There was a check parade when the men slept in.  Euki was a bad man.  The sick were evacuated to a new sick camp at Nakom Patom.

I was transferred to Tamuang.  We were watched more closely during those days, and there was no freedom.  The Nips provided us with drinks and I was drunk many times, the first time with the CO Walker.

I will never forget Christmas 1943, with Barnett, and Hazelton, Bonzo, you bastard!  Ivan got me to bed.

In January 1944 a party of workers, troops and officers, made contact with Thais for money and news.  The Nips discovered this, but it was nearly successful.  However, fellows did get into trouble.  A few of them had a penchant for going outside the camp.  There were some good Nip entertainers.

One night, Harvey, Knights, Lilly, McEachern and I climbed a ten foot fence and walked to a Thai village.  Eight people were sleeping in one room.  They gave us green paw-paw drinks and bananas. A Thai took us into another kampong to see his so-called wife.  It was so late no one stirred so we went back to camp to eat and drink in the moonlight.  We had a game of crib on my birthday*.

On New Year’s Eve there was a shooting incident.  I slept on a bed on the floor under which was a cellar.  There were always 3 or more bottles of whisky there.  I felt it was a bit dangerous.  However, What Ho!

*This is out of context.  Jim’s birthday was in June.    

In January 1945 the officers were ordered to leave this camp.  Col? was now the unofficial head.

Whisky was replaced by bottles of money.  I thought that we must get caught one day.  Work was plentiful and I had a few interesting cases, a couple of Nips with gingivitis.

The Nips were on the alert for something that worried them.  They searched the officers’ camp.  They came with a shovel, but we were lucky again, we got word of it and the CO removed the bottles of money before the Nips arrived.  Arthur Moon was lucky.

I remember how lucky the CO was when he had 2000 bucks in his webbing.  It was a good job that mangos were in his kit bag.  I did not want to forget the trip to Kinsayok (no date).  There was talk of a move to a new camp at Pratchai.  I went in an early party through paddy fields – Suzaki in – no mud.  How camp improved.

After capitulation of the Nips it was very quiet.  An interpreter came to visit us, and on the second visit he brought some drink. I visited Capt Redman of the Scotch Guards.  We were still awaiting our departure.  The question of work was raised.  At Changi it was as little as possible by all.  At Adam Park 70% of the AIF boarded fit.*

The records of the hospitals including Tamuang, were kept by Deveney.  D Force was dentally fit.  Records showed the results of many sad men who had been forced to work.  I remember the sights of men returning from the jungle to Tarsoa, and the dreadful punishments adopted by the Japs.  They made them hold heavy weights above their heads at arm’s length, and cracked anyone who weakened with bamboo.  The Japanese Kempe (secret police) terrorized many of us.

Our wireless was always a concern to the Japs.  They found one at Kanchanaburi with frightful results.  This was traced from Adam Park.  Jock Fraser, Hawley and company went to their graves.

During this existence, the Dutch never forgot their royal families, holding parties on all their birthdays.  We played bridge, poker and pontoon with Jackes, Higgins, Shield and Hart.  [There was a local joke.]  What is the definition of Umph – the same effect on men as central heating.

30th August, 1945 was a grand day.  It was the Dutch Queen’s birthday.  There was a Levy in the morning and a party at night.  The Governor visited Colonel Lilley and offered him a pretty, shy girl who had never “done this” before.  I also remember Tom Evans efforts with the guard on the gate and his visit to Suzaki dressed in a singlet with no shoes.

We had a party at Swanburi, a concert too.  I had a few drinks in the markets with a Thai airman.

On 6th September, 1945, I came to Bangkok with only a small towel and was told to stay and live at the Oriental Hotel.  So, there I was, in my shorts and shirt and cap.  However, it was OK.  I thought I might make a trip to Tamuang while I waited for my gear.
Tom Petitie gave me $50.  I couldn’t help noticing how our fellows got into shoes as soon as possible.  I visited Dick Leftwitch (possibly QX5483), the Quarter Master, and got my shoes and food.  I got the boys in to the hotel.  Ivan was very excited, he didn’t expect it.  I got $50 from Clarkson and went out a bit.  I started out to see a cabaret strip tease, but it failed, finishing at another cabaret where the belly dancer was dressed in black and white.  A rather dusky maiden.

I visited the Palace which was just a mass of temples made of very small pieces of glass, ½” x ½” in all colours, red and yellow.  Those places were gigantic.

I found a good book for kids to read by a German author: On Growing Up.  I had a trip around China Town, seeing the Temple and the old boys with opium pipes and things.  There was an old “phantom” who always hung about at night.  I went to see Tom Ashley in hospital.  There was a Siamese party at the hospital.  There were plenty of low dives.  I remember an incident at Alexandra Hospital (unexplained, Ed), orchids and a strip tease at Su Nan Tar.  There was a battle between the Chinese and the Thais.  I had received lots of letters.  And there was a grand show and entertainment at the home of a Danish man, Mr Vervelts.

Note by Jacqueline and Charles Wellings – Editors.  The diary ends with some enigmatic notes which are indecipherable, and were probably reminders of incidents he had not recorded.  There were also some detailed statistics of patients, the diseases they suffered from and an indication of the amount of food supplied by the Japs.

An example of the pencil written notes which Jacqueline and Charles Wellings had to interpret follows.  You will note that the pages of the note book have Japanese characters as column headers.  Accordingly it is assumed that these notes were written immediately following capitulation by the Japanese after 15 August 1945.  If only these pages could talk!!.  A sketch of Jim Finimore by one of his fellow Prisoners of War is also below.

 

 

 

I am indebted to Jacqueline and Charles for the opportunity of recording Captain Finimore’s POW experiences and to add to the record of the contribution of the Health Services (Medical, Dental) in this sad chapter of our Military History. Jim Finimore managed to carry his portable foot operated dental drill with him on the Railway. As mentioned above, the Finimore notebook included statistics and other comments which have not been included in this article.  I also thank Marie Wilson who typed this and enabled it to be published.
 the end @ copyright Dr Iwan suwandy 2011

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