The Pol Pot Khmer Rouge(Red) Cambodia War 1975-1978

Pol Pot in 1978











The Driwan’s  Cybermuseum


Dr Iwan Cambodia War Cybermuseum

Showroom :

Pol Pot_Small.jpg (51452 bytes)

The Pol Pot Khmer Rouge(red) Cambodia War 1975-1978

A.Chronologic Historic Collections




1975, the U.S. had withdrawn its troops from Vietnam. Cambodia’s government, plagued by corruption and incompetence, also lost its American military support. Taking advantage of the opportunity, Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge army, consisting of teenage peasant guerrillas, marched into Phnom Penh and on April 17 effectively seized control of Cambodia.

Once in power, Pol Pot began a radical experiment to create an agrarian utopia inspired in part by Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution which he had witnessed first-hand during a visit to Communist China.

Mao’s “Great Leap Forward” economic program included forced evacuations of Chinese cities and the purging of “class enemies.” Pol Pot would now attempt his own “Super Great Leap Forward” in Cambodia, which he renamed the Democratic Republic of Kampuchea.

He began by declaring, “This is Year Zero,” and that society was about to be “purified.” Capitalism, Western culture, city life, religion, and all foreign influences were to be extinguished in favor of an extreme form of peasant Communism.

All foreigners were thus expelled, embassies closed, and any foreign economic or medical assistance was refused. The use of foreign languages was banned. Newspapers and television stations were shut down, radios and bicycles confiscated, and mail and telephone usage curtailed. Money was forbidden. All businesses were shuttered, religion banned, education halted, health care eliminated, and parental authority revoked. Thus Cambodia was sealed off from the outside world.

All of Cambodia’s cities were then forcibly evacuated. At Phnom Penh, two million inhabitants were evacuated on foot into the countryside at gunpoint. As many as 20,000 died along the way.

Millions of Cambodians accustomed to city life were now forced into slave labor in Pol Pot’s “killing fields” where they soon began dying from overwork, malnutrition and disease, on a diet of one tin of rice (180 grams) per person every two days.

Workdays in the fields began around 4 a.m. and lasted until 10 p.m., with only two rest periods allowed during the 18 hour day, all under the armed supervision of young Khmer Rouge soldiers eager to kill anyone for the slightest infraction. Starving people were forbidden to eat the fruits and rice they were harvesting. After the rice crop was harvested, Khmer Rouge trucks would arrive and confiscate the entire crop.

Ten to fifteen families lived together with a chairman at the head of each group. All work decisions were made by the armed supervisors with no participation from the workers who were told, “Whether you live or die is not of great significance.” Every tenth day was a day of rest. There were also three days off during the Khmer New Year festival.

Throughout Cambodia, deadly purges were conducted to eliminate remnants of the “old society” – the educated, the wealthy, Buddhist monks, police, doctors, lawyers, teachers, and former government officials. Ex-soldiers were killed along with their wives and children. Anyone suspected of disloyalty to Pol Pot, including eventually many Khmer Rouge leaders, was shot or bludgeoned with an ax. “What is rotten must be removed,” a Khmer Rouge slogan proclaimed.

In the villages, unsupervised gatherings of more than two persons were forbidden. Young people were taken from their parents and placed in communals. They were later married in collective ceremonies involving hundreds of often-unwilling couples.

Up to 20,000 persons were tortured into giving false confessions at Tuol Sleng, a school in Phnom Penh which had been converted into a jail. Elsewhere, suspects were often shot on the spot before any questioning.

Ethnic groups were attacked including the three largest minorities; the Vietnamese, Chinese, and Cham Muslims, along with twenty other smaller groups. Fifty percent of the estimated 425,000 Chinese living in Cambodia in 1975 perished. Khmer Rouge also forced Muslims to eat pork and shot those who refused.

.(1) April 1975

The Khmer Rouge force captured Phnom Penh in April 1975; then evacuated the city and began a radical revolutionary experiment. Under Pol Pot leadership, the Khmer Rouge are responsible for the death of over a million and a half Cambodians, and the near total destruction of Cambodia’s social, economic, and cultural foundations.

The Khmer Rouge force captured Phnom Penh in April 1975; then evacuated the city and began a radical revolutionary experiment. Under Pol Pot leadership, the Khmer Rouge are responsible for the death of over a million and a half Cambodians, and the near total destruction of Cambodia’s social, economic, and cultural foundations.polpot2_Small.jpg (6048 bytes)

After the Vietnamese invasion in 1978, Pol Pot and the remnants of the Khmer Rouge forces escaped to the Thai border where, with support from ASEAN and China, they set up resistance against the Vietnamese troops and the Vietnamese backed government in Phnom Penh. Throughout the 1980s and the first half of 1990s, Pol Pot continued to exercise leadership over the Khmer Rouge guerrilla forces. He is believed to play a crucial role in influencing the movement to participate in the negotiation leading to the signing of the Paris Peace Agreement and also to the subsequently boycott of the peace process and the elections supervised by UNTAC.

(2) September,1975

In September 1975, the government formed a Supreme National Council with new leadership, with the aim of negotiating a surrender to the Khmer Rouge. It was headed by Sak Sutsakhan who had studied in France with Saloth and was cousin to the Khmer Rouge Deputy Secretary Nuon Chea.

NumChea.jpg (14233 bytes)

Saloth’s reaction to this was to add the names of everyone involved to his post-victory death list. Government resistance finally collapsed on September 17, 1975.


(3)Children in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge

Figure 15 Drawing by a Cambodian child depicting events under Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge, a period that lasted from 1975 to 1979.


In 1975, Pol Pot’s army, the Khmer Rouge, took over Cambodia and attempted to enforce an extreme Maoist communist regime, replacing all that went before. They restarted the calendar, renaming 1975 Year Zero. Their regime was murderous and, over the next four years, over 1 million Cambodians were killed and up to another 2 million died from starvation or exhaustion. The Khmer Rouge emptied the cities of people, forcing everyone to live off the land. Professionals, those who knew a foreign language and, at one time, even those who wore glasses were murdered. Much of this was accomplished by indoctrinating children and forcing them to denounce and kill suspect adults. Family life was discouraged and repressed. Everyone was forced to live in communal work camps, but at the age of eight most children were sent away to live with other children under two or three senior Khmer Rouge officials. Traditional norms of respect for elders were suppressed and the ‘Comrade Child’ was praised as being ‘pure and unsullied by the corrupt past of the adults’ (Ponchaud, 1977, p. 143). Special spy units, Kang Chhlop, were composed mainly of children and were used to spy on adults. One Cambodian woman recalled the power given to children under the Khmer Rouge:

In the Pol Pot times children could catch an adult if they thought they had done wrong. They could beat the adult. For example, if an adult was caught stealing fruit a child could tell the soldiers: ‘look they are our enemies’. Then the soldiers would set a chair for the child to stand on so that they could beat the adult’s head.

(Boyden and Gibbs, 1997, p. 44)

Children rose quickly up the ranks of the Khmer Rouge and it was not unusual for children to be in charge of workcamps at the age of twelve. Camps run by these children became notorious for the extreme and arbitrary violence inflicted on the inmates. Children, even more than adults, appeared particularly cruel. Even after Cambodia was liberated in 1979 by the Vietnamese, there remained a ‘residual fear of children’ in the country (Boyden and Gibbs, 1997, p. 98).

Figure 16 Children in contemporary rural Cambodia. Despite the tranquillity of this scene, researchers in contemporary Cambodia talk of a ‘residual fear’ of children caused by the atrocities committed by children under the Khmer Rouge.


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Between 1976-1978, Heng Samrin served as political commissary and commander of Democratic Kampuchea’s fourth division stationed in the eastern zone.

(1) January,5th.1976

A new constitution was adopted on January 5, 1976, officially altering the country’s name to “Democratic Kampuchea”.  

(2) April,11th-13th,1976

The newly established Representative Assembly held its first plenary meeting on April 11 – 13, electing a new government with Pol Pot as prime minister.

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His predecessor, Khieu Samphan was instead given the position of head of state as President of the State Presidium.



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Prince Sihanouk was given no role in the government and was placed under detention.

Immediately after the fall of Phnom Penh, the Khmer Rouge began to implement their concept of Year Zero and ordered the complete evacuation of Phnom Penh and all other recently captured major towns and cities. Those leaving were told that the evacuation was due to the threat of severe American bombing and it would last for no more than a few days.

(3) Pol Pot Caricature and Poster “Life In Pol Pot Regime”

Cartoon by V. Sina

“Life In Pol Pot Regime” a Poem in Khmer by Ly Monisa
Cartoon by V. Sina

3. 1977

 (1) May,4th.1977

the native cambodian language letter send from Angkar’s special hospital  to his daughter(may be this the Pol Pot letters beacuse he always called Angkar,please the historian confirm this via comment)


you have to read your siblings to join the cooperative of collective peasant under under the sore and rightful leadership of Communist Party of kampuchea in order to fight  against the enemy and build up the socialism of  Democratic Kampuchea properousity with pace of super great help.

Chea saved with champa, chea into khmer while your mother stayed in exile and gouvermnet in (? not clear) district(?not clear). You do not to into(?) them because it is very difficult to work hard and develop yourself and your sibling with the movement of collectivism under the party leacdership.You should live with your aunt because she is frequently ill and no one look after her, everyone shall live in the village cooperative.

I would like to say goodbye to you my beloved daughter with endless revance and class revance on the imperialist,the CIA, the Vietnamese expanssionist, and KGB until last breath, I would like to kiss you from a distance and unwillingly part of you with great pain.

The wise and connect policies of Communist Party of Kampuchea with a super great heap foward.


Angkar’s special hospital

From your father.

(Amizing collections which informed us the sound of the communist leader hart,please comment)



Tuol Sleng Survivor Paints Pictures Of His Torture

by Richard S. Ehrlich
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Vann Nath says he can testify at such a trial and reveal “what I saw and experienced, and what went on in S-21, and I can talk about the prison and what went on there.” © Copyright by Richard S. EhrlichBANGKOK, Thailand — Vann Nath is one of seven survivors of Cambodia’s Tuol Sleng torture chambers, and escaped when Pol Pot’s “killing fields” regime suddenly collapsed in 1979.

Vann Nath is also an artist, and painted graphic pictures of communist Khmer Rouge extracting “confessions” from victims before dumping an estimated 16,000 corpses from Tuol Sleng into more than 100 mass graves.

“Some of my paintings were scenes that I witnessed myself, some were scenes that I heard but did not see, and some were scenes that victims asked me to paint for them, which they had experienced,” Vann Nath said in Khmer language during an interview while visiting Bangkok.

One of his paintings shows Khmer Rouge guerrillas swinging a baby by its tiny legs against a blood-stained palm tree, to smash the infant to death.

“That one came from someone who directly saw that, and he requested that I paint that painting,” Vann Nath said.

The Khmer Rouge often killed people by beating or starving them to death, to save precious bullets.

Vann Nath said his other paintings document torture he witnessed while imprisoned at Tuol Sleng, which the Khmer Rouge dubbed “S-21”, in the heart of Cambodia’s capital, Phnom Penh.

“One scene that I myself saw, with my own eyes, is of a man with no clothes who is being carried on a stick like an animal, and others where people are being beaten, and some of the torture,” he said, referring to his large paintings.

Traumatized and gaunt, Vann Nath was lucky to emerge alive, thanks to a 1979 blitzkrieg invasion by Vietnamese troops which forced Pol Pot back into the jungle.

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“While getting lashes or electrification, you must not cry at all…if you disobey any point of my regulations, you will get either ten lashes or five shocks of electric discharge.” © Copyright by Richard S. EhrlichPol Pot died in 1998, after enjoying indirect American support in the 1980s when his ousted Khmer Rouge provided most of the killers in a coalition of Cambodian guerrillas, who helped force Vietnam end its 10-year occupation of Cambodia in 1989.

Today, white-haired Vann Nath, 61, has built a new life, complete with an e-mail address, mobile phone and other modest symbols of success, though he suffers severe kidney disease and undergoes dialysis.

When the U.S. lost the Vietnam War and retreated from neighboring Cambodia in 1975, Pol Pot seized Phnom Penh and force-marched the capital’s population into the jungle, claiming the Americans might bomb the city in revenge, and kill everyone.

Historians and analysts, however, say Pol Pot’s real motive may have been to hack apart urban resistance to his rural-based guerrillas, and use his fellow Cambodians as slaves to rebuild irrigation canals, roads, and other infrastructure which was destroyed by heavy U.S. aerial bombardment during the war.

Tuol Sleng was formerly a high school during Cambodia’s corrupt, U.S.-backed Lon Nol regime.

The Khmer Rouge carved the classrooms into torture chambers and prison cells by bricking up rooms and installing metal shackles.

Vann Nath said he languished for about one month in Tuol Sleng in 1978, accused of offending the regime, before the Khmer Rouge decided they needed an artist to paint official portraits and chisel busts of Pol Pot.

As a result, they unlocked Vann Nath’s shackles and demanded he paint several official portraits of Pol Pot, amid the screams of other inmates undergoing interrogations all around him.

Emaciated from a diet of gruel, and using photographs of the secretive Pol Pot to copy, he painted to stay alive while expecting execution.

He never met Pol Pot.

Nor did he meet Michael Scott Deeds, from Long Beach, California, who was caught in 1978 sailing off Cambodia’s coast, and executed in Tuol Sleng as an alleged American spy, along with several other foreigners seized in Phnom Penh during Pol Pot’s reign.

During the one year Vann Nath endured in the squalid prison, he often saw excruciating, medieval-style torture inflicted on inmates in Tuol Sleng.

After his escape, he picked up his brushes and colors again, and painted the reality of what happened inside Tuol Sleng.

Ironically, some of Vann Nath’s most gruesome paintings currently hang near his cell, in what is now a tourist site called The Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum.

Walls in the museum also display black-and-white identification photos of some inmates, who the Khmer Rouge photographed at the prison.

Also displayed are some inmates’ skulls.

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Tuol Sleng was formerly a high school up until the end of the U.S.-backed Lon Nol regime, which was overthrown by Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge in 1975 when defeated American forces retreated from Cambodia, at the end of the U.S.-Vietnam War. © Copyright by Richard S. EhrlichInside the museum, a sign translated into English lists “the security regulations” told to each prisoner, including the warning:

“Don’t be a fool, for you are a chap who dares to thwart the revolution. You must immediately answer my questions without wasting time to reflect.

“While getting lashes or electrification, you must not cry at all…if you disobey any point of my regulations, you will get either ten lashes or five shocks of electric discharge,” the sign warns.

The Cambodian government, along with the United Nations and other powers, insist a tribunal is belatedly being set up to determine the guilt of a handful of elderly Khmer Rouge leaders, even though Pol Pot is dead.

Vann Nath said he can testify at such a trial and reveal “what I saw and experienced, and what went on in S-21.”





(1) May,1978

Heng Samrin  In May 1978  was involved in a failed rebellion against Pol Pot’s leadership and fled to Vietnam to escape political purge

 (2)The Khmer Rouge was the name given to the followers of the Communist Party of Kampuchea, who were the ruling party in Cambodia from 1975 to 1979, led by Pol Pot, The regime led by the Khmer Rouge from 1975 to 1979 was known as the Democratic Kampuchea.

The Khmer Rouge subjected Cambodia to a radical social reform process that was aimed at creating a purely agrarian-based Communist society. The city-dwellers were deported to the countryside, where they were combined with the local population and subjected to forced labor. About 2 million Cambodians are estimated to have died in waves of murder, torture, and starvation, aimed particularly at the educated and intellectual elite.

Losing power following a Vietnamese military intervention in December 1978, the Khmer Rouge maintained control in some regions and continued to fight on as guerrillas. In 1998 their final stronghold, in Anlong Veng District, fell to the government.

Following their leader Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge imposed an extreme form of social engineering on Cambodian society — a radical form of agrarian communism where the whole population had to work in collective farms or forced labour projects. In terms of the number of people killed as a proportion of the population (est. 7.1 million people, as of 1975), it was the most lethal regime of the 20th century.


 (3)December ,1978

Heng Samrin_Small.jpg (42768 bytes)Heng Samrin 

 He was little known until his installation as the president of the National United Front for National Salvation by the Vietnamese in whose name the Vietnamese used to justified its invasion of Cambodia in December 1978.


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After the Vietnamese invasion in 1978, Pol Pot and the remnants of the Khmer Rouge forces escaped to the Thai border where, with support from ASEAN and China, they set up resistance against the Vietnamese troops and the Vietnamese backed government in Phnom Penh. Throughout the 1980s and the first half of 1990s, Pol Pot continued to exercise leadership over the Khmer Rouge guerrilla forces. He is believed to play a crucial role in influencing the movement to participate in the negotiation leading to the signing of the Paris Peace Agreement and also to the subsequently boycott of the peace process and the elections supervised by UNTAC


(2) December,25th,1978

On December 25, 1978, Vietnam launched a full-scale invasion of Cambodia seeking to end Khmer Rouge border attacks



1.January,7 th .1979 

On January 7, 1979, Phnom Penh fell and Pol Pot was deposed. The Vietnamese then installed a puppet government consisting of Khmer Rouge defectors.

Pol Pot retreated into Thailand with the remnants of his Khmer Rouge army and began a guerrilla war against a succession of Cambodian governments lasting over the next 17 years. After a series of internal power struggles in the 1990s, he finally lost control of the Khmer Rouge. In April 1998, 73-year-old Pol Pot died of an apparent heart attack following his arrest, before he could be brought to trial by an international tribunal for the events of 1975-79.

2.Vietnam (target: Cambodia) 1979-91

Personnel of the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia mission

We saw in chapter five of the book that both Cambodia and South Vietnam had been U.S. client states up until the spring of 1975. At that point, Cambodia fell under the control of the Khmer Rouge (KR) which, almost immediately after coming to power, carried out mass murders of hundreds of thousands, and perhaps millions, of its fellow citizens, and which finally was overthrown by a Vietnamese invasion. To U.S. policy makers, Vietnam’s action was inexcusable: not only had the regime in Hanoi been victorious over the U.S. in South Vietnam, but it had recently signed a friendship treaty with the Soviet Union and was bitterly opposed by China, with whom the U.S. was collaborating. Hence, it became U.S. policy “to get Vietnamese troops out of Cambodia.” At first, U.S. action took the form of denunciations, votes to keep Cambodia’s UN seat in the hands of the KR, and barely concealed support for a punitive Chinese attack on Vietnam. Soon, when it became clear the the KR had regrouped and was carrying out a guerrilla war against the Vietnamese, the U.S. began to aid the KR by various means: humanitarian aid distributed along Cambodia’s border with Thailand (the bulk of this was grabbed by the KR); and clear indications to the Thais and the Chinese that the U.S. was “not against military aid … to the Cambodian rebels.” Two years later, the U.S. helped to engineer a coalition government (CGDK) uniting the KR and other anti-Vietnam groups and began a policy of providing covert “non-lethal” aid to the non-KR parts of the coalition; this was a barely disguised way of sending weapons, since the aid was traded for military supplies, especially from Thailand, which was then receiving sharply increased levels of U.S. military assistance. In addition, the non-communist forces engaged in what the White House delicately termed “tactical military cooperation” with the much larger KR guerrillas. Finally, there is some evidence that the U.S. may have had direct ties with the KR.

American policy began to unravel later in the 1980s. Congress, officially ignorant of U.S. covert aid and of the links between the KR and other rebel groups, had authorized overt “lethal” aid to the latter. Word of the other U.S. efforts began to leak out, making it impossible to continue the fiction that the U.S. could continue aiding the noncommunist groups without any incidence on the KR. Furthermore, Vietnam had managed to install a sufficiently robust regime in Cambodia for it to withdraw its troops; some months later, the leader of the noncommunist forces began to negotiate with the regime in Phnom Penh (SOC). To continue the war at this point would involve overt association with the KR against a regime which was no longer backed by foreign troops. Hence, the U.S. switched tactics, announced it no longer recognized the CGDK as Cambodia’s legitimate government, that it would begin talks with Vietnam, and that it would send humanitarian aid directly to the SOC. The U.S. shift unsettled its Cambodian, Southeast Asian, and Chinese partners but led to a UN-brokered peace agreement calling for “cessation of outside military assistance” and, eventually, the formation of a widely recognized coalition government made up of SOC and noncommunist elements. The KR, disadvantaged on electoral terrain, chose to keep fighting, thereby forfeiting U.S. support, and soon found itself torn apart by commercial and political temptations. 1


B.Cambodian Genocide

Cambodian Genocide

By: Ryan LeguidLeguid, Gabe Mulingtapang, Lauryn Lau, Jessica Matias, & Michael Radich
Ryan Leguidleguid: History and Region, Groups in Control, and Pictures
Gabe Mulingtapang: What ended the genocide, Videos, Co-organizer and Conclusion
Lauryn Lau: Introduction, Groups Targeted, and Decorations/Pictures
Jessica Matias: World Response (During and After), Pictures/Videos, and Organizer
Michael Radich: Period After, Say Cheese, and Pictures



I. Introduction

“It is important for me that the new generation of Cambodians and Cambodian Americans become active and tell the world what happened to them and their families … I want them never to forget the faces of their relatives and friends who were killed during that time. The dead are crying out for justice.” –Dith Pran, a survivor of the Cambodian Genocide. It is vital that we educate one another about the cruel and harsh period of the Cambodian Genocide.

What is a genocide? A genocide is the systematic killing of an entire people. The Cambodian Genocide is acknowledged as one of the worst tragedies during the last century. This massive invasion occurred in 1975 to 1979 in the Kingdom of Cambodia, now known as Kampuchea. Beginning in 1975, the Khmer Rouge, a small Communist group under the leadership of Pol Pot, took over the country. This was the start of this mass destruction known as the Cambodian Genocide. All educated and intellectual people, children, babies, extended families, or anyone who disobeyed the new regulations were starved to death, tortured, executed, mistreated and murdered.
A Khmer slogan read, “To spare you is no profit, to destroy you is no loss.” The Khmer Rouge had NO MERCY. Could the people of Cambodia escape this affliction?























II. History & Region


Cambodia is found on mainland Southeast Asia between Thailand and Vietnam. It also shares a land border with Laos. Cambodia has a seacoast where the Gulf of Thailand is. The Dangrek mountain range to the north and the Cardamom Mountains to the Southwest are natural boundaries for Cambodia. Cambodia is still one of the most heavily forested countries within that region, and other physical features include the Tonle Sap Lake and the Mekong and Bassac Rivers.

Cambodia’s population is Mostly Cambodian but other ethnicities include Chinese, Vietnamese, various hill tribes, Cham, and Lao. Khmer is the official language of the country. Theravada Buddhism is the most practiced in the country but other religions practiced are Islam, Animism, and Christianity. French and English are now increasingly popular in urban areas and popular as a second language.

Cambodia was fairy rich and powerful under the Hindu state of Funan and the Kingdom of Angkor, but in the mid 19th century Cambodia was about to collapse. In 1863, Cambodia became a protectorate under France after many requests for assistance. In 1884, Cambodia was basically a colony, and soon became part of the Indochina Union with Annam, Tonkin, Cochin-China, and Laos. France was still able to keep control of the country even after the start of World War II. In 1945, the Japanese took over the colonial administration, King Norodom Sihanouk declared an independent, anti-colonial government under the prime minister Son Ngoc Thanh in March 1945. The allies put a stop to this government in October of that year. In January 1953, King Sihanouk named his father as administer of the country and went into exile, claiming not to return until Cambodia gained independence.

Through Sihanouk’s actions, French government was inclined to grant independence. Independence came on November 9, 1953, this was uncertain until a conference was held at Geneva to settle the French-Indochina war. The Cambodian delegation then agreed to the neutrality of the three Indochinese states but also wanted a provision on a ceasefire which allowed the government to called for military assistance if Viet Minh or others were to threaten the territory.

Throughout the 1950s and 1960s Cambodia’s policy with foreigners was neutrality. By the mid 1960s Cambodia’s eastern provinces served as military bases for both the NVA and the VC. In 1969 the United states became worried about Northern Vietnamese activities and began to bomb areas within Cambodia. Throughout these times, opposition grew between the middle class and the leftist, Paris educated leaders.

In March 1970, General Lon Nol overthrew Prince Sihanouk and took power. On October 9th, the Cambodian monarchy was abolished, and the country was now named the Khmer Republic. The republic’s request to have the withdrawal of the NVA/VC troops from territory was denied. At this point the new government was at war with the Khmer Rouge insurgents and the Northern Vietnam armies. Cambodia was supplied and supported by the United States but it still wasn’t the enough to keep Vietnam from going into deeper Cambodian territory.

The Republic’s leadership had disunity among many of its members, problems coming up from trying to make a larger army, and the spread of corruption. Insurgency began to grow, with supplies and military support by North Vietnam. Inside Cambodia, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary began to assert their dominance over the Vietnamese, many of which were killed. Khmer Rouge forces began to gain more power. Lon Nol’s control was reduced to small enclaves around cities by 1974.

On New Year’s Eve 1975, the communist Khmer Rouge launched an attack that in 117 days of the hardest fighting, the Khmer republic was destroyed. Simultaneous attacks pinned the republic forces while other Khmer Rouge forces attacked bases and took trade routes. The U.S. left Cambodia five days after the surrender of the Republic on April 17, 1975.


III. Groups in control


Pol Pot
Pol Pot

The Khmer Rouge soon turned Cambodia in a land of fear and horror, called Democratic Kampuchea. Right after the victory, the regime ordered an evacuation of the cities in urban areas and forced everyone to work on the land. Those who resisted or who questioned orders were immediately executed. The country’s entire population is forced to work in agricultural collectives, now known as the killing fields.

The people who were in control were the Paris educated leaders. Pol Pot, Ieng Sary, Nuon Chea, and Son Sen. Pol Pot was made the Prime Minister. Pol Pot’s was a very powerful central committee called “Angkar.” After taking control of the city Phnom Penh, Pot declares the “Year Zero.” With this he made a plan in order to purify the Cambodian society of capitalism, western culture, religion and all foreign influences. He wanted to create an isolated complete self sufficient Maoist agrarian state.

It was said that Pol Pot wanted to bring a “Utopian Society” to Cambodia, In order to reach that perfect society, he believed that the people had to live on the same level as peasants. It is also said Pol Pot did not want to get overthrown and he believed that the only people that could do that were the educated, and intellectuals. The “Year Zero” was supposed to make everything that happened prior to the year 1975 irrelevant, and the only people who would oppose that idea were the teachers and those who backed the Republic.

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IV. Groups Targeted


During this time Pol Pot and his communist party, Khmer Rouge, yearned to reconstruct Cambodia into a land similar to the communist model of Mao’s China. They wanted the country to resemble collective farms rather than cities and towns. As a result, all urban areas were demolished. Schools, hospitals, and factories were closed, banks were destroyed, religions were prohibited, and all private property was taken away from owners. In a short amount of time, the people who lived in the cities of Cambodia were threatened and told to evacuate the country. Mercy was not spared among the ill, old, or young. All people who did not leave their homes or did not evacuate quick enough, for any reason, were killed. All other residents were forced to work agricultural labor on the grueling collective farms. Anyone thought to be against the new regulations or anyone who disobeyed orders was killed. In order to reinforce the new rural country, Khmer Rouge wished to demolish everything he thought to be un-communist. All intellectuals or people who showed any sign of education were killed as well. Every other individual was put to work as farmers. The Khmer Rouge put an end to all political and civil rights of Cambodia. Young children were separated from their parents to work in different labor camps. All educated people who worked as lawyers, doctors, teachers, engineers, scientists, people who fought in the army, and etc. were killed. Anyone who showed any sign of intelligence such as wearing glasses or knowing a foreign language was executed. Along with the educated citizens, the educated citizens’ innocent extended family members were murdered as well. Because all religions were eliminated, Buddhist monks were killed. Half of the people who were Cham Muslim and about eight thousand Christians were killed. The Khmer Rouge also removed the temples in which the Buddhists reflected their religion. Music and radios were against the new order. Anyone found having connection with these products was killed. The Khmer Rouge was extremely racist toward Chinese, Vietnamese, Thai, and any Cambodians with Chinese, Vietnamese, or Thai ancestry. As a result, people of these races were eliminated as well. As expected, leaders of the Khmer Rouge were scared of losing power or having their opponents turn on them. Rather than working together as a civil party, they executed any persons who had any relation to sabotaging the group. During the Cambodian genocide, random people were also killed for merely laughing or crying.

People who were spared and not murdered worked as laborers on the collective farms. They were did not get paid, but worked extremely long hours both morning and night. They were not rewarded with comfortable homes to rest during their time away from work, but instead ate and slept in intolerable communes. These communes were built as total opposites to their original home. Because of the rough labor on the farms, people became weak or became ill and soon died. Many of the people also starved to death because they were not given any food to energize their body after all their hard work.

How were they targeted?
In 1977, the food supply was extremely low and famine most likely occurred among the people. Many people starved to death or became extremely weak and ill. At the time, there was no medical care provided. Many building were reconstructed into prisons where the Khmer Rouge tortured their victims. One prison named Tuol Sleng (also known as S-21) was intended to force prisoners to confess to the crime in which they were being accused. Daily, prisoners were beaten and tortured with certain devices. The Khmer Rouge enjoyed using electric shocks, hot metal instruments and hanging. They also cut victims with knives, suffocated them with plastic bags, pulled out their fingernails while pouring alcohol on the open wound, or drowned them under water. Although rape was against the rules, men often raped the women.

The other people of Cambodia worked on the fields where life was extremely harsh. These fields were known as Pol Pot’s “killing fields”. Many laborers died from overwork, exhaustion, malnutrition, disease, illnesses, and etc. Laborers worked as farmers on the field from around 4 a.m. to about 10 p.m. with only two short breaks. All laborers were tortured because although their bodies were starving, they were not allowed to eat the fruits or rice they harvested. They often starved to death because they were only given a tin of rice, which was only 180 grams, every other day. Workers worked under the eyes of the ruthless Khmer Rouge soldiers. These soldiers gladly killed anyone who did not work hard enough or anyone who made the tiniest mistake. The soldiers beat, mistreated, and tortured the workers. The Cambodian people were pretty much forced into slavery. When the long workday ended, workers stayed in unsuitable little stalls. Their space was the exact opposite of a comfortable home. Here, workers often caught diseases and illnesses, which lead to their death.

The children labor camps were not much better. Children worked long shifts too and lived with many other children. Disease was extremely high as children had little food and a contaminated water supply. Children shared water with the animals. Measles killed many children within 3-5 days. In the beginning, they would receive high fever, and then diarrhea, and then death. Many little graves were created.

All other people who did not even make it to the fields were executed, murdered, eliminated from Cambodia. Most likely they were shot and their skulls and bones or bodies lay on the ground. Others were forced to organize the millions of skulls and bones into a pile or bin. Bones of arms and legs were found everywhere during this time. Many others were buried in mass graves.

How many people were targeted?
Upon the four years during the Cambodian genocide, the Khmer Rouge is responsible for the deaths of more than 1.7 million people. A total of 21% of the Cambodian population was killed. This means the Cambodian population consisted of 8 million people, but lost 1.7 million to 2.5 million.

“I see … a pile of skulls and bones. For the first time since my arrival, what I see before me is too painful, and I break down completely. These are my relatives, friends and neighbors, I keep thinking … It is a long time before I am calm again. And then I am able, with my bare hands, to rearrange the skulls and bones so that they are not scattered about.” –Dith Pran, a survivor of the Cambodian Genocide.


Photographs were taken of victims before execution.

The look on the faces of these people is extremely saddening. These photographs were taken of people that were about to be executed. These people knew when they would die based on if a picture was taken of them. So if someone took a picture of them, the person that is being photographed knew that he/she would be executed. This philosophy of taken pictures before execution terrified many people and is probably the most inhumane thing that anyone can do.


VI. What ended the Cambodian genocide?




The Khmer Rouge period ended when Cambodia’s former ally, Vietnam, took over Cambodia in the Cambodian-Vietnamese War.

Dust and Bones

War crimes tribunal for Cambodia proves elusive

By Bill Myers ( Phnom Penh, Cambodia—)

Many Cambodians seek a military tribunal for the war crimes of Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge, seen here shortly after capture by Vietnamese troops in 1979.

As a boy, Phann Ana found the bodies of his uncle and father where the Khmer Rouge had left them: under a compost pile near his family’s home. “The bodies were badly decomposed—just bones, really,” says Phann Ana, a 32-year-old writer. “But my mother recognized my father by his pants, and my aunt recognized my uncle by his lighter.”

The family scooped up the mounds of splintered bones and tattered rags and cremated them. In their Buddhist faith, the ceremony, long delayed, brought spiritual peace. But it did not bring justice. Phann Ana—and millions of Cambodians—are still waiting for that. “It will not happen,” he says of efforts to bring the Khmer Rouge leadership to trial. “I don’t think so.”

The long-promised tribunal to try those responsible for one of the 20th century’s worst human rights disasters now seems as far away as ever.

The Khmer Rouge turned Cambodia into its private labor camp in 1975. For nearly four years, the “Angka”—the organization—played out its anti-modern, xenophobic, utopian ideals on Cambodian people. An estimated 1.7 million died from overwork, disease, starvation or execution.

Since 1997, efforts to create a tribunal to bring the Khmer Rouge leaders to justice have stalled as Cambodia slipped back into civil war or quarreled with the United Nations over sovereignty and the selection of defendants.

In the meantime, all but one of the remaining Khmer Rouge leadership lives, in the words of Peter Leuprecht, the top U.N. human rights official, “peacefully and prosperously” in the Cambodian countryside.

It is a long way from last August, when both sides were finally ready to start negotiations and convene an unprecedented tribunal of Cambodian and international judges to prosecute those “most responsible” for the “most serious” atrocities in the Khmer Rouge era. Back then, even skeptics like Phann Ana were allowing words like “when” to replace “if” in their vocabulary. Now, even as the United States and other countries pressure the United Nations to come back to the negotiating table, only recriminations remain. “It’s clear it was never a priority for either side,” says Youk Chhang, director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia.

Youk Chhang, a Cambodian-American who lost most of his family to the Khmer Rouge and now gathers evidence against them, is trying—like many—to remain constructive. “Now both sides have to make it their first priority,” he says.

Each side has claimed they are still open to renegotiation. For now, Leuprecht (who is not involved in the negotiations) said at a March 8 news conference, “I do encourage both sides to walk through the open door.”

That is going to be tough. The United Nations pulled out of negotiations with Cambodia on February 8, saying its government could not guarantee a fair trial. Within days of the announcement, Ke Pauk, a former Khmer Rouge zone commander believed to be responsible for tens of thousands of deaths, died. Left without any time frame for negotiations, Cambodian officials in late February entered new charges against Ta Mok, the one-legged former Khmer Rouge zone commander known as “The Butcher,” to prevent his pretrial detention term from expiring.

Distrust between the United Nations and Cambodia runs deep. After the Vietnamese helped topple the Khmer Rouge in 1979, the world body, under U.S. pressure, refused to recognize the Vietnamese-installed government and instead gave Cambodia’s seat to the Khmer Rouge.

U.N. workers who flocked to Cambodia in the early ’90s flooded the country with cash, soldiers, doctors, lawyers and teachers, but also helped nurture its brothels and sky-high AIDS rate. And some officials of the many U.N. agencies here in Phnom Penh have embarrassed the organization. One human rights chief had to be fired after she suggested Cambodians were biologically prone to violence.

Even physically, the challenge of getting the tribunal back on track is enormous. The U.N. legal team, which had long accused the Cambodians of stalling, did not even come to the country to begin its negotiations. That rankled many observers. “The fault lies with the U.N.,” one Western diplomat says. “The U.N. were invited to come, and they didn’t come.”

Whatever the outcome, a lesson has been driven home to many Cambodians. “The courts do not belong to the people,” Phann Ana says. “There is no justice.”

Cambodian-Vietnamese War

The Cambodian-Vietnamese War began the day after the Fall of Saigon on May 1st, 1975. A group of Khmer Rouge soldiers invaded Phu Quoc Island where many Vietnamese people resided. This angered the Vietnamese and ignited a fire between the two countries. Ten days later, the Khmer Rouge launched another attack on another Island, Tho Chu. They didn’t succeed, but they managed to escape pretty safely. In response to all these attacks, the Vietnamese Navy counterattacked with their own series of attacks. During these attacks, Vietnam was able to recapture these two islands from Cambodia. In the next couple of months, a peace treaty was signed between Cambodia and Vietnam. There were still violence occurring on the northeastern coast of Cambodia causing many of the Vietnamese residents to flee the country. A series of attacks and many invasions occurred after this time.

external image nick-ut-kim-phuc-vietnam-war.jpg

Threatened by the Khmer Rouge and the rest of the Cambodian army, Vietnam “supported internal resistance to the Pol Pot regime.” On December 3, 1978, Radio Hanoi, a Vietnamese propaganda radio station, announced the formation of the Kampuchean National United Front for National Salvation, KNUFNS for short. This was a group who also had a hate for the Pol Pot regime and was supported by the Vietnamese government.

On Christmas day in 1978, Vietnam invaded Cambodia. The Vietnamese had just come from a war with the US and the Vietnamese learned a lot from this war. They learned new military tactics that helped them capture one of their rivals, Cambodia. Pol Pot also attributed to this by making a huge mistake in commanding his soldiers to be stationed somewhere else during the invasion. The Vietnamese learned from many other wars they have been in, including the war with the US, allowed the Vietnamese to be more open to new things. Vietnam developed new guns to be able to compete with other countries while Cambodia was out of date with theirs. The mission for the capital was accomplished very easily.

Many Cambodian residents fled the country, but Pol Pot had still manage to survive. Even though the dictator, Pol Pot, did now die, the Khmer Rouge regime was toppled and the Cambodian genocide was over.


VII. Period After

– Michael


The Khmer Rouge’s links with China meant hostility between the Pol Pot government and Vietnam. In 1978 Vietnam invaded Kampuchea and overthrew the Khmer Rouge. The guerrillas were driven into the western jungles and beyond to Thailand. Vietnam set up a puppet government composed mainly of recent defectors from the Khmer Rouge. This new socialist government was comparatively benign, but found it hard to organize the necessary reconstruction program: Pol Pot’s policies had ruined the economy, there wasn’t much foreign aid; all the competent professionals, engineers, technicians and planners had been killed.

The Khmer Rouge in retreat had some help from American relief agencies – 20,000 to 40,000 guerrillas who reached Thailand received food aid -and the West also ensured that the Khmer Rouge held on to Cambodia’s seat in the United Nations: the Cold War continued to dictate what allegiances and priorities were made.

The Khmer Rouge went on fighting the Vietnam-backed government. Throughout the 1980s the Khmer Rouge forces were covertly backed by America and the UK because of their united hostility to communist Vietnam. The West’s fuelling of the Khmer Rouge held up Cambodia’s recovery for a decade.

Under international pressure, Vietnam finally withdrew its occupying army from Cambodia. This decision had also been forced by economic sanctions on Cambodia, and by a cut-off in aid from Vietnam’s own backer, the Soviet Union. The last troops left Cambodia in 1989, and its name was officially restored. In the 1978-1989 conflict between the two countries up to 65,000 had been killed, 14,000 of whom were civilians.

In Cambodia, under a temporary coalition government, it was once again legal to own land. The state religion, Buddhism, was revived. In 1991 a peace agreement between opposing groups was signed. Democratic elections, and a peacekeeping force to monitor them, were arranged for 1993, and the former monarch, Prince Sihanouk, was elected to lead the new government.

The Khmer Rouge guerrillas, of course, opposed Cambodia’s political reforms, but their organization had begun to crumble. Many defected to the new government; many entered into deals to get immunity from prosecution. When Pol Pot accused one of his close aides of treachery, leading Khmers arrested him, and in 1997 staged a show trial. The government, meanwhile, made plans for a tribunal to bring former Khmer Rouge leaders to justice. Not surprisingly, those who have spoken publicly all lay the blame for genocide on Pol Pot, and claim no knowledge of the killing. They have also blamed people who are dead and can’t argue, or accused ‘enemy agents’ from the American CIA, the Russian KGB, and Vietnam, all said to have organized the atrocity for obvious political reasons.

From 1995 mass graves began to be uncovered, revealing the genocide’s horrifying extent. The resurrected bones and skulls have been preserved to create simple and potent memorials of the dead in ‘the killing fields’ where they died. At the torture centre in Phnom Penh, where the Khmer Rouge terrorized and murdered their own members, not only skulls but also identity photographs of the victims are displayed on the walls: this bleak, unhappy place has also become a memorial. 

In 1998 Pol Pot died of natural causes. His last home in the jungle, a complex of huts and bunkers, which is also the site of his cremation, has become an attraction for visitors. The government has plans to create a fully equipped tourist resort there, in the hope of reviving a trade, which had collapsed after the attacks on New York and Washington on September 11 2001.


VIII. World response



There was not much international involvement during this genocide. Some say that the reason behind this is because the people experiencing the genocide had cultural differences from the people who could possibly stop it. There was also an unofficial belief that those suffering from the genocide had to have deserved it. Many nations felt that the people at this time were just fighting amongst one another and that it was not even considered genocide, as if it were an internal war. They felt no need to intervene. The international communities did not send troops to try and break through the regime. Outside powers thought they should just mind their own business.

The U.S. said that they didn’t know what was happening at the time of the genocide and they didn’t know the true facts of the situation. They also commented saying that they were incapable of helping prevent this genocide and that getting involved would not solve the problem, but maybe even make it worse.

According to American Self-Interest and the Response to Genocide by Roger Smith, “Simply put, American leaders did not act because they did not want to. They believed that genocide was wrong, but they were not prepared to invest the military, financial, diplomatic, or domestic political capital needed to stop it.”

The United States even took the part in the United Nations to teem the Khmer Rouge as the official government of Cambodia. The Cambodian genocide had little effect on the United States and seemed to be an event outside of their agenda. Since news of this event was not spread around, there was a lack of participation and action from the U.S. citizens to help the suffering victims in Cambodia.

It is a sad truth to tell about, but awareness of the Cambodian genocide was not raised until much later. By then, the leaders of the genocide were too old to withstand trial from the survival victims that wish to let justice prevail.



Only recently have international communities addressed the events that occurred in Cambodia with the Khmer Rouge.

Since 1981, two years after the Khmer Rouge was driven out of Cambodia, the Cambodian Genocide Project, Yale University’s Cambodian Genocide Program, and the Documentation Center of Cambodia have gathered evidence from eyewitnesses, collected hundreds of thousands of pages of documents, and mapped thousands of mass graves.

In 1994, Senator Charles Robb made it U.S. policy, called the Cambodian Genocide Justice Act, to try the Khmer Rouge for their unlawful actions in Cambodia. In 1997, the Cambodian government requested help from the U.N. to set up a tribunal, which was recommended by the appointed Group of Experts in 1999. Hans Corell of the U.N. Office of Legal Affaris and Sok An from the Royal Government of Cambodia signed an agreement to question and put to trial the surviving leaders of the Khmer Rouge.

However, it has been a long time since these events have occurred and those involved are growing old. Time is of the essence with this tribunal because the human rights groups are worried that the officials will die before they can be put to trial. Pol pot, one of the main leaders of the Khmer Rouge, died in 1998. The delay in action from the international communities has taken a toll on the survivors of the Cambodian genocide.

Also, some international observers have asked the United Nations to mediate because they feel that they cannot try the Khmer Rouge credibly.

Agreement was reached in 2001 on a mixed tribunal with a Cambodian majority, but requiring super-majority agreement by international judges for all decisions. Administration will be shared by Cambodian and U.N. officials, prosecutors, and investigating judges. The maximum penalty will be life in prison. The Cambodian National Assembly passed a law to establish the tribunal on these terms.

Thankfully, since 1981, two years after the Khmer Rouge was driven out of Cambodia, the Cambodian Genocide Project, Yale University’s Cambodian Genocide Program, and the Documentation Center of Cambodia have gathered evidence from eyewitnesses, collected hundreds of thousands of pages of documents, and mapped thousands of mass graves. International protection of prisoner confessions and history of Democratic Kampuchea has kept the truth of this period from disappearing in the DC-Cam,keeping track of approximately 155,000 pages of documents on the Khmer Rouge and six thousand photographs that successfully display the horrible crimes committed during this genocide. The survivors will finally be able to have their voice heard after the agony of having no international interception while they were suffering. It brings justice to those who cannot fight for it themselves. DC-Cam is a non-profit institute that gathers and spreads information on the Khmer Rouge regime by what is given to them. It is run entirely by Cambodians and aided by scholars of Europe, Asia, and the United States. The position is holds and the mission of this organization has respect from the international nations and from Cambodia itself, which makes it a more legitimate and highly accurate program.


IX. Conclusion


The Cambodian genocide was one of the most terrifying and saddening events in the past century. According to many reliable sources, there was an estimate of over two million deaths during the terrible time. Mothers, fathers, aunts, uncles, brothers, sisters, sons, daughters, and cousins all died during the genocide. Many of the deaths that occurred probably didn’t have a meaning to it also. Today, the Cambodian genocide still has lasting effects that affect people who experienced it negatively. There are many examples of survivors telling their stories about living in the genocide. Here is a video showing the effects of people who survived the genocide:

In 2009, the first of five “Khmer Rouge leaders will appear before a tribunal next week for committing war crimes against humanity in Cambodia from 1975 to 1979.” Although Pol Pot died in 1998, many of the Khmer Rouge leaders are still alive today. These are the people who were responsible for the deaths of hundreds and thousands of people. People will never forget what the Khmer Rouge did to their families.

There are many memorials found throughout Cambodia remembering this tragic event. For example, one of the memorials, Choeung Ek in Phnom Penh, there are skulls and bones there to remember all the people that have passed. The Cambodian genocide has taught the whole world the horrible things that can happen if a genocide breaks out in a country, but what can we do to help our country prevent one of these tragic events?


C.Khmer Rouge Postal History

1.Khmer Rouge Postal History

Khmer Rouge era

Khmer Rouge took over Cambodia in 1975. The new regime allowed no civilian private communication and so abolished the postal system.

Service resumed in early 1979 when the Vietnamese army drove Khmer Rouge out of the capital Phnom Penh.

Although the Khmer Rouge no longer ruled all Cambodia, they still held the seat at the United Nations because of support from anti-Soviet countries. In the 1989 “National Flag” series of UN, the three-tower Angkor Wat red flag of “Democratic Kampuchea” represents Cambodia:

 Killingt Field Tuel Sleng Museum

(1) Main Entrence

 (2) Information


(3) Tuel Sleng Main Building



2.Cambodia On Foreign stamps

1)Cambodia on Foreign Stamps (Part 1)


Cambodia is best known to the world for two things, the ancient Angkorian civilization, and the Khmer Rouge era and its aftermaths. Since 1980 these themes has been featured on foreign stamps so often that they can give a one frame exhibition.

In 1975, the Khmer Rouge took power in Cambodia. The most notorious action of the Chinese-backed Communist group is they moved the whole urban population to rural area to be peasants – most educated civilians were brutally killed, all social institutions dissolved, and communications with the outside world eliminated. It led to more than one fifth of the population vanished under their rule. In 1999 the Marshall Islands remembered this man-made disaster with a stamp in the “20th Century” series:

The regime of terror was toppled by the Vietnamese in 1979. A pro-Vietnam Communist government was installed, then for the next ten years Cambodia was basically under the shadow of Vietnam. In 1983 Vietnam issued a set of two stamps to mark the Laos-Cambodia-Vietnam Summit Conference held in Vientiane. The conference was to form a militant alliance of the three countries with Vietnam taking the lead:

The year 1984 sees two more sets of Vietnamese stamps feature Cambodia. The first is to celebrate Vietnam-Laos-Cambodia solidarity and friendship, the second is to commemorate the 5th anniversary of friendship and cooperation treaty between Vietnam and Cambodia.

Vietnamese domination of Cambodia is once again reflected on stamps in 1989. A 2v set celebrating the 10th anniversary of National Day of Cambodia was issued, the day marks the Vietnamese took over Phnom Penh in 1979:

Although the Khmer Rouge no longer ruled all Cambodia, they still held the seat at the United Nations because of support from anti-Soviet countries. In the 1989 “National Flag” series of UN, the three-tower Angkor Wat red flag of “Democratic Kampuchea” represents Cambodia:

The Khmer Rouge and subsequent decade of war has made hundreds of thousands of Cambodians flee the country, some bitterly succeeded while some tragically lost their lives. Devoted journalists brought these refugees’ hell like situation to world news audience as one of the biggest humanitarian disasters of 1980s. In 2005 the Netherlands celebrated the 50th anniversary of World Press Photo with a stamp sheetlet, one of the stamps honours a 1979 press photo taken by photojournalist David Burnett showing a Cambodian refugee who cradles her child while waiting for food to be distributed:

Rays of dawn passed through the mist in 1993 when the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) was mandated to implement the 1991 Paris Agreements on the Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict. A general election was conducted which consequently formed a coalition government bringing Cambodia back to the road of peace, stability and development.

The operation involved 22,000 contributors of military and civilian police personnel from 45 countries. Below is a 1993 Uruguayan stamp which hails Uruguay joining the UNTAC peace mission:

Cambodia on Foreign Stamps (Part 2)


The end of Cold War in 1989 reset the world power balance, it also broke the strong economic and political tie with the former Soviet Bloc.

One of the few remaining communist states – Cuba celebrated
50th years of diplomatic relationship with Cambodia in 2010

Under the new world order Cambodia rapidly embraced the globalized economy by developing whole new international and regional economic partnerships. In 2004 Cambodia became a member of World Trade Organization (WTO) which offers firm and predictable treatment for products and services of Cambodia in the worldwide market.

Cambodia on United Nations 2006 Flags and Coins series

Regionally a significant move was made in 1999 by joining the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

Cambodian flag depicted on 2006 Malaysia,
2004 Laos and 2010 Vietnam ASEAN stamps.

Currently ASEAN has ten members covering all southeast Asia except East Timor. When first founded in 1967, the bloc aimed at improving trade cooperation within the anti-Communist nations of the region. ASEAN now has the goal of facilitating economic growth, social progress, cultural development and environmental improvement. However the organization does not always work well as expected, recently it fails to resolve Cambodian-Thai border conflict.

The border conflict basically focuses on Prasat Preah Vihear, a Khmer temple which straddles the border in the Dangrek Mountains. The ancient Khmer Empire had a vast territory which included all or parts of modern-day Laos, Vietnam, Thailand, Burma and Malaysia, it has left numerous temples ruins scattered across the area, particularly in Thailand and Laos.

Laos 1997 Commemoration of Lao Admission to ASEAN. Built in 11th century,
Wat Phou is a Khmer temple in present-day Champasak Province of Laos.
The temple has a unique structure, in which the elements lead to a
shrine where a linga was bathed in water from a mountain spring.
Laos 2003 World Heritage Site – Wat Phou 3v and S/S FDC.
The temple was designated a World Heritage Site in 2001.
Thailand 1995 Thai Heritage Conservation – Phimai Historical Park 4v set.
It is Khmer heritage rather than Thai, built in the reigns of King
Jayavarman VI and VII of Angkor (1080-1219), Prasat Phimai is
located in now Nakhon Ratchasima Province of Thailand.
It was a Tantric Buddhist temple rather than Hindu.
Thailand 1997 Thai Heritage Conservation – Phanomrung Historical Park
1st Series S/S. Prasat Phanomrung is a Khmer temple complex set on
the rim of an extinct volcano in now Buriram Province of Thailand. It was
built in sandstone and laterite in 10th to 13th centuries. The complex
was a Hindu shrine dedicated to Shiva and it symbolises Mount Kailash,
Shiva’s heavenly dwelling.
Thailand 1998 Thai Heritage Conservation – Phanomrung
Historical Park 2nd Series S/S

Amongst all Khmer temples the mega star is Angkor Wat. Built for King Suryavarman II in the early 12th century, Angkor Wat was the state temple of the Khmer Empire, and it also served as the première temple of Angkor Thom, capital of the empire during its height.

France 2011 150th Death Anniversary of Henri Mouhot

Angkor Wat was popularized to Europeans by French explorer Henri Mouhot. In his 1868 travel journals “Voyage dans les Royaumes de Siam, de Cambodge, de Laos et Autres Parties Centrales de l’Indo-Chine”, Mouhot enchanced his description with illustrations and exclaimed that none of the ancient Greek and Roman buildings could be compared to Angkor.

France 1993 UNESCO World Heritage
Vietnam 1993 Southeast Asian ancient architecture
Japan 2003 ASEAN-Japan Exchange Year
Mozambique 2000 World Heritage Sities – Asia

World tourists flock in Angkor Wat and surrounding ruins bringing in thousands of millions of US dollars. Although the money is big, in a country like Cambodia which everything rebuilds at ground zero, the piece of cake shared by social services is small. Education and health care for children is inadequate and it heavily depends on foreign assistance. If education can reduce poverty, Cambodia has a long way to go.

Andorra 2004 Children of the World – Cambodian children FDC

D.The Biography of Pol Pot,Cambodian Leader and Polpot’s Man

1.Biography of Pol Pot

Pol Pot

Pol Pot in 1978.Pol Pot_Small.jpg (51452 bytes)Pol Potwas born in 1925 into a relatively prosperous farming family in Kampong Thom province in central Cambodia. As a young boy, he was sent to Phnom Penh to be raised by a cousin who was a member of the royal ballet. From his privileged background, Saloth Sar was able to enroll in the prestigious College Sihanouk in Kampong Cham. He was later given a scholarship by Sihanouk to study electronics in Paris. In Paris, Saloth Sar was drawn into Marxism and became a communist.

From 1954 to 1962, as an underground communist activist, Sar worked as a school teacher and was very popular among his students. In 1963, for fear of Sihanouk’s police, Sar, along with some of his closest comrades, left Phnom Penh for the jungle in eastern Cambodia. In 1970, he moved his base to Kampong Thom where he first began experimenting in radical revolution. His forces, known as the Khmer Rouge, fought a civil war against the US-backed Lon Nol government for the next five years. The Khmer Rouge force captured Phnom Penh in April 1975; then evacuated the city and began a radical revolutionary experiment. Under Pol Pot leadership, the Khmer Rouge are responsible for the death of over a million and a half Cambodians, and the near total destruction of Cambodia’s social, economic, and cultural foundations.polpot2_Small.jpg (6048 bytes)

After the Vietnamese invasion in 1978, Pol Pot and the remnants of the Khmer Rouge forces escaped to the Thai border where, with support from ASEAN and China, they set up resistance against the Vietnamese troops and the Vietnamese backed government in Phnom Penh. Throughout the 1980s and the first half of 1990s, Pol Pot continued to exercise leadership over the Khmer Rouge guerrilla forces. He is believed to play a crucial role in influencing the movement to participate in the negotiation leading to the signing of the Paris Peace Agreement and also to the subsequently boycott of the peace process and the elections supervised by UNTAC.

Failure of the Khmer Rouge make significant military advance against the post-1993 coalition government led to deep division within the Khmer Rouge ranks. This power struggle led to the demise of Pol Pot in 1997 when he was arrested, tried and sentenced to life imprisonment by a “people’s tribunal.” In April 1998, Pol Pot died in the remote jungle of Cambodia of an apparent heart attack and his body was “burned like old rubbish

In office
February 1963 – 1981 (party dissolved)
Preceded by Tou Samouth
Succeeded by None (party dissolved)

In office
May 13, 1976 – January 7, 1979
Preceded by Khieu Samphan
Succeeded by Pen Sovan
Personal details
Born May 19, 1925(1925-05-19)[1][2]
Kampong Thom Province, French Indochina
Died April 15, 1998(1998-04-15) (aged 72)
Anlong Veng, Kingdom of Cambodia
Political party Communist Party of Kampuchea
Spouse(s) 1) Khieu Ponnary (div.)
2) Mea Son

Saloth Sar (May 19, 1925 – April 15, 1998),[1][2] better known as Pol Pot, (Khmer: ប៉ុល ពត), was a Cambodian Chinese high school teacher and revolutionary who led the Khmer Rouge[3] from 1963 until his death in 1998. From 1976-79, he served as the Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea.

Pol Pot became leader of Cambodia in mid-1975.[4] During his time in power he imposed a version of agrarian socialism, forcing urban dwellers to relocate to the countryside to work in collective farms and forced labor projects, toward a goal of “restarting civilization” in “Year Zero“. The combined effects of forced labour, malnutrition, poor medical care and executions resulted in the deaths of approximately 21% of the Cambodian population.[5] In all, an estimated 1,700,000–2,500,000 people died under his leadership.

In 1979 after the invasion of Cambodia by neighboring Vietnam in the Cambodian–Vietnamese War, he fled into the jungles of southwest Cambodia and the Khmer Rouge government collapsed.[6] From 1979–97 he and a remnant of the old Khmer Rouge operated from the border region of Cambodia and Thailand, where they clung to power, with nominal UN recognition as the rightful government of Cambodia.

He died in 1998 while under house arrest by the Ta Mok faction of the Khmer Rouge. Since his death, rumours that he was poisoned have persisted.[7]



Early life (1925–61)

Prek Sbauv, birthplace of Pol Pot.

Saloth Sar was born on May 19, 1925—the eighth of nine children,[8] and the second of three sons—of a moderately wealthy family of Chinese descent.[9][10] in the small fishing village of Prek Sbauv, Kampong Thom Province in a Cambodia dominated by French colonialism. In 1935 he left Prek Sbauv to attend the École Miche, a Catholic school in Phnom Penh. As his sister Roeung was a concubine of King Sisowath Monivong, he often visited the royal palace.[11]

In 1947, he gained admission to the exclusive Lycée Sisowath but was unsuccessful in his studies.


After switching to a technical school at Russey Keo, north of Phnom Penh, he qualified for a scholarship that allowed for technical study in France. He studied radio electronics at the EFR in Paris from 1949 to 1953. He also participated in an international labour brigade building roads in Zagreb in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1950. After the Soviet Union recognised the Viet Minh as the government of Vietnam in 1950, French Communists (PCF) took up the cause of Vietnam’s independence. The PCF’s anti-colonialism attracted many young Cambodians, including Saloth.

In 1951, he joined a communist cell in a secret organization known as the Cercle Marxiste (Marxist circle”) which had taken control of the Khmer Student’s Association (AER) that same year. Within a few months, Saloth also joined the PCF. Historian Philip Short has said that Saloth’s poor academic record was a considerable advantage within the anti-intellectual PCF, who saw uneducated peasants as the true proletar


As a result of failing his exams in three successive years, he was forced to return to Cambodia in January 1953. He was the first member of the Cercle Marxiste to return to Cambodia and was given the task of evaluating the various groups rebelling against the government. He recommended the Khmer Viet Minh, and in August 1954, Saloth, along with Rath Samoeun, travelled to the Viet Minh Eastern Zone headquarters in the village of Krabao in the Kampong Cham Province/Prey Veng Province in the border area of Cambodia.

Saloth and the others learned that the Khmer People’s Revolutionary Party (KPRP) was little more than a Vietnamese front organization. In 1954, the Cambodians at the Eastern Zone Headquarters split into two groups. Due to the Geneva peace accord of 1954 expelling all Viet Minh forces and insurgents, one group followed the Vietnamese back to Vietnam as cadres to be used by Vietnam in a future war to liberate Cambodia. The other group, including Saloth, returned to Cambodia.

After Cambodian independence following the 1954 Geneva Conference, right and left wing parties struggled against each other for power in the new government. Khmer King Norodom Sihanouk played the parties against each other while using the police and army to suppress extreme political groups. Corrupt elections in 1955 led many leftists in Cambodia to abandon hope of taking power by legal means. The communist movement, while ideologically committed to guerrilla warfare in these circumstances, did not launch a rebellion because of the weakness of the party.

After his return to Phnom Penh, Saloth became the liaison between the above-ground parties of the left (Democrats and Pracheachon) and the underground communist movement. He married Khieu Ponnary on July 14, 1956. She returned to Lycée Sisowath but now as a teacher, while he taught French literature and history at Chamraon Vichea, a new private college.[12]

The path to rebellion (1962–68)

In January 1962, the government of Cambodia rounded up most of the leadership of the far-left Pracheachon party ahead of parliamentary elections due in June. The newspapers and other publications of the party were also closed. This event effectively ended any above-ground political role for the communist movement in Cambodia. In July 1962, the Underground communist party secretary Tou Samouth was arrested and later killed while in custody. The arrests created a situation where Saloth could become the de facto deputy leader of the party. When Tou Samouth was murdered, Saloth became the acting leader of the communist party. At a party meeting attended by at most eighteen people in 1963, he was elected Secretary of the central committee of the party. In March 1963, Saloth went into hiding after his name was published in a list of leftist suspects put together by the police for Norodom Sihanouk. He fled to the Vietnamese border region and made contact with Vietnamese units fighting against South Vietnam.

In early 1964, Saloth convinced the Vietnamese to help the Cambodian Communists set up their own base camp. The central committee of the party met later that year and issued a declaration calling for armed struggle. The declaration also emphasized the idea of “self-reliance” in the sense of extreme Cambodian nationalism. In the border camps, the ideology of the Khmer Rouge was gradually developed. The party, breaking with Marxism, declared rural peasant farmers to be the true working class proletarian and the lifeblood of the revolution. This is in some sense explained by the fact that none of the central committee were in any sense “working class”. All of them had grown up in a feudal peasant society.

After another wave of repression by Sihanouk in 1965, the Khmer Rouge movement under Saloth grew at a rapid rate. Many teachers and students were forced to leave the cities to the countryside to join the movement.

In April 1965, Saloth went to North Vietnam to gain approval for an uprising in Cambodia against the government. North Vietnam refused to support any uprising because of agreements being negotiated with the Cambodian government. Sihanouk promised to allow the Vietnamese to use Cambodian territory and Cambodian ports in their war against South Vietnam.

After returning to Cambodia in 1966, Saloth organized a party meeting where a number of important decisions were made. The party was officially but secretly renamed the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK). Lower ranks of the party were not informed of the decision. It was also decided to establish command zones and prepare each region for an uprising against the government.

In early 1966 fighting broke out in the countryside between peasants and the government over the price paid for rice. Saloth’s Khmer Rouge was caught by surprise by the uprisings and was unable to take any real advantage of them. But the government’s refusal to find a peaceful solution to the problem created rural unrest that played into the hands of the Communist movement.

It was not until early 1967 that Saloth decided to launch a national uprising, even after North Vietnam refused to assist it in any real way. The uprising was launched on January 18, 1968 with a raid on an army base south of Battambang. The Battambang area had already seen two years of great peasant unrest. The attack was driven off by the army, but the Khmer Rouge had captured a number of weapons, which were then used to drive police forces out of Cambodian villages.

By the summer of 1968, Saloth began the transition from a party leader working with a collective leadership into the absolutist leader of the Khmer Rouge movement. Where before he had shared communal quarters with other leaders, he now had his own compound with a personal staff and a troop of guards. Outsiders were no longer allowed to approach him. Rather, people were summoned into his presence by his staff.

The path to power (1969–75)

The movement was estimated to consist of no more than 1500 regulars, but the core of the movement was supported by a number of villagers many times that size. While weapons were in short supply, the insurgency was still able to operate in twelve of nineteen districts of Cambodia. In the middle of 1969 Saloth called a party conference and decided on a change in propaganda strategy. Up to 1969, the Khmer Rouge had been very anti-Sihanouk. Opposition to Sihanouk was at the center of their propaganda. But it was decided at the conference to shift the party’s propaganda to be against the right-wing parties of Cambodia and their supposed pro-American attitudes. The party ceased to be anti-Sihanouk in public statements, but in private the party had not changed its view of him.

The road to power for Saloth and the Khmer Rouge was opened by the events of January 1970 in Cambodia. Sihanouk, while out of the country, ordered the government to stage anti-Vietnamese protests in the capital. The protesters quickly went out of control and wrecked the embassies of both North and South Vietnam. Sihanouk, who had ordered the protests, then denounced them from Paris and blamed unnamed individuals in Cambodia for them. These actions, along with intrigues by Sihanouk’s followers in Cambodia, convinced the government that he should be removed as head of state. The National Assembly voted to remove Sihanouk from office. Afterward, the government closed Cambodia’s ports to Vietnamese weapons traffic and demanded that the Vietnamese leave Cambodia.

The North Vietnamese reacted to the political changes in Cambodia by sending Premier Phạm Văn Đồng to meet Sihanouk in China and recruit him into an alliance with the Khmer Rouge. Saloth was also contacted by the Vietnamese who now offered him whatever resources he wanted for his insurgency against the Cambodian government. Saloth and Sihanouk were actually in Beijing at the same time but the Vietnamese and Chinese leaders never informed Sihanouk of the presence of Saloth or allowed the two men to meet. Shortly after, Sihanouk issued an appeal by radio to the people of Cambodia to rise up against the government and support the Khmer Rouge. In May 1970, Saloth finally returned to Cambodia and the pace of the insurgency greatly increased.

Earlier, on March 29, 1970, the Vietnamese had taken matters into their own hands and launched an offensive against the Cambodian army. A force of 40,000 Vietnamese quickly overran large parts of eastern Cambodia reaching to within 15 miles (24 km) of Phnom Penh before being pushed back. In these battles the Khmer Rouge and Saloth played a very small role.

In October 1970, Saloth issued a resolution in the name of the Central Committee. The resolution stated the principle of independence mastery which was a call for Cambodia to decide its own future independent of the influence of any other country. The resolution also included statements describing the betrayal of the Cambodian Communist movement in the 1950s by the Viet Minh. This was the first statement of the anti-Vietnamese/self sufficiency at all costs ideology that would be a part of the Pol Pot regime when it took power years later.

Through 1971, the Vietnamese (North Vietnamese and Viet Cong) did most of the fighting against the Cambodian government while Saloth and the Khmer Rouge functioned almost as auxiliaries to their forces. Saloth took advantage of the situation to gather in new recruits and to train them to a higher standard than previously was possible. Saloth also put resources of Khmer Rouge organizations into political education and indoctrination. While accepting anyone regardless of background into the Khmer Rouge army at this time, Saloth greatly increased the requirements for membership in the party. Students and so-called middle peasants were now rejected by the party. Those with clear peasant backgrounds were the preferred recruits for party membership. These restrictions were ironic in that most of the senior party leadership including Saloth came from student and middle peasant backgrounds. They also created an intellectual split between the educated old guard party members and the uneducated peasant new party members.

In early 1972, Saloth toured the insurgent/Vietnamese controlled areas in Cambodia. He saw a regular Khmer Rouge army of 35,000 men taking shape supported by around 100,000 irregulars. China was supplying five million dollars a year in weapons and Saloth had organized an independent revenue source for the party in the form of rubber plantations in eastern Cambodia using forced labour.

The Khmer Rouge also used the massive US bombings of Villages in Eastern Cambodia, where over 2.8 million tons of bombs were dropped during Operation Menu, to aid in their recruitment of members.

After a central committee meeting in May 1972, the party under the direction of Saloth began to enforce new levels of discipline and conformity in areas under their control. Minorities such as the Chams were forced to conform to Cambodian styles of dress and appearance. These policies, such as forbidding the Chams from wearing jewelry, were soon extended to the whole population. A haphazard version of land reform was undertaken by Saloth. Its basis was that all land holdings should be of uniform size. The party also confiscated all private means of transportation at this time. The 1972 policies were aimed at reducing the peoples of the liberated areas to a sort of feudal peasant equality. These policies were generally favourable at the time to poor peasants and extremely unfavourable to refugees from towns who had fled to the countryside.

In 1972, the Vietnamese army forces began to withdraw from the fighting against the Cambodian government. Saloth issued a new set of decrees in May 1973 which started the process of reorganizing peasant villages into cooperatives where property was jointly owned and individual possessions banned.

 Control of the countryside

The Khmer Rouge advanced during 1973. After they reached the edges of Phnom Penh, Saloth issued orders during the peak of the rainy season that the city be taken. The orders led to futile attacks and wasted lives among the Khmer Rouge army. By the middle of 1973, the Khmer Rouge under Saloth controlled almost two-thirds of the country and half the population. Vietnam realised that it no longer controlled the situation and began to treat Saloth as more of an equal leader than a junior partner.

In late 1973, Saloth made strategic decisions about the future of the war. His first decision was to cut the capital off from contact from outside supply and effectively put the city under siege. The second decision was to enforce tight command on people trying to leave the city through the Khmer Rouge lines. He also ordered a series of general purges. Former government officials, along with anyone with an education, were singled out in the purges. A set of new prisons was also constructed in Khmer Rouge run areas. The Cham minority attempted an uprising around this time against attempts to destroy their culture. While the uprising was quickly crushed, Saloth ordered that harsh physical torture be used against most of those involved in the revolt. As previously, Saloth tested out harsh new policies against the Cham minority before extending them to the general population of the country.

The Khmer Rouge also had a policy of evacuating urban areas to the countryside. When the Khmer Rouge took the town of Kratie in 1971, Saloth and other members of the party were shocked at how fast the liberated urban areas shook off socialism and went back to the old ways. Various ideas were tried to re-create the town in the image of the party, but nothing worked. In 1973, out of total frustration, Saloth decided that the only solution was to send the entire population of the town to the fields in the countryside. He wrote at the time “if the result of so many sacrifices was that the capitalists remain in control, what was the point of the revolution?”. Shortly after, Saloth ordered the evacuation of the 15,000 people of Kompong Cham for the same reasons. The Khmer Rouge then moved on in 1974 to evacuate the larger city of Oudong.

Internationally, Saloth and the Khmer Rouge were able to gain the recognition of 63 countries as the true government of Cambodia. A move was made at the UN to give the seat for Cambodia to the Khmer Rouge. The Khmer Rouge[which?] prevailed by three votes.

In September 1974, Saloth gathered the central committee of the party together. As the military campaign was moving toward a conclusion, Saloth decided to move the party toward implementing a socialist transformation of the country in the form of a series of decisions. The first one was that after their victory, the main cities of the country would be evacuated with the population moved to the countryside. The second was that money would cease to be put into circulation and quickly be phased out. The final decision was the party’s acceptance of Saloth’s first major purge. In 1974, Saloth had purged a top party official named Prasith. Prasith was taken out into a forest and shot without any chance to defend himself. His death was followed by a purge of cadres who, like Prasith, were ethnically Thai. Saloth offered as explanation that the class struggle had become acute and that a strong stand had to be made against the enemies of the party.

The Khmer Rouge were positioned for a final offensive against the government in January 1975. At the same time at a press event in Beijing, Sihanouk proudly announced Saloth’s “death list” of enemies to be killed after victory. The list, which originally contained seven names, expanded to twenty-three, including all the senior government leaders along with the military and police leadership. The rivalry between Vietnam and Cambodia also came out into the open. North Vietnam, as the rival socialist country in Indochina, was determined to take Saigon before the Khmer Rouge took Phnom Penh. Shipments of weapons from China were delayed and in one instance the Cambodians were forced to sign a humiliating document thanking Vietnam for shipments of what were in fact Chinese weapons.

In September 1975, the government formed a Supreme National Council with new leadership, with the aim of negotiating a surrender to the Khmer Rouge. It was headed by Sak Sutsakhan who had studied in France with Saloth and was cousin to the Khmer Rouge Deputy Secretary Nuon Chea. Saloth’s reaction to this was to add the names of everyone involved to his post-victory death list. Government resistance finally collapsed on September 17, 1975.

Leader of Kampuchea (1975–79)

Skulls of Khmer Rouge victims

Mass grave in Choeung Ek

The Khmer Rouge took Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975. As the leader of the Communist Party, Saloth Sar was the designated leader of the new regime. He took the name “brother number one” and declared his nom de guerre Pol Pot. This has generally supposed to have been derived from Politique potentielle, the French equivalent of a phrase supposedly coined for him by the Chinese leadership. An alternative version of the origin of Pol Pot’s name is from Philip Short, who states that Saloth Sar announced that he was adopting the name in July 1970 and suspects that it is derived from pol: “the Pols were royal slaves, an aboriginal people”, and that “Pot” was simply a “euphonic monosyllable” that he liked.[13]

A new constitution was adopted on January 5, 1976, officially altering the country’s name to “Democratic Kampuchea”. The newly established Representative Assembly held its first plenary meeting on April 11 – 13, electing a new government with Pol Pot as prime minister. His predecessor, Khieu Samphan was instead given the position of head of state as President of the State Presidium. Prince Sihanouk was given no role in the government and was placed under detention.

Immediately after the fall of Phnom Penh, the Khmer Rouge began to implement their concept of Year Zero and ordered the complete evacuation of Phnom Penh and all other recently captured major towns and cities. Those leaving were told that the evacuation was due to the threat of severe American bombing and it would last for no more than a few days.

Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge had been evacuating captured urban areas for many years, but the evacuation of Phnom Penh was unique in scale. The first operations to evacuate urban areas occurred in 1968 in the Ratanakiri area and were aimed at moving people deeper into Khmer Rouge territory to better control them. From 1971–1973, the motivation changed. Pol Pot and the other senior leaders were frustrated that urban Cambodians were retaining old habits of trade and business. When all other methods had failed, evacuation to the countryside was adopted to solve the problem.

In 1976, people were reclassified as full-rights (base) people, candidates and depositees – so called because they included most of the new people who had been deposited from the cities into the communes. Depositees were marked for destruction. Their rations were reduced to two bowls of rice soup, or “p’baw” per day. This led to widespread starvation. “New people” were allegedly given no place in the elections taking place on March 20, 1976, despite the fact the constitution was said to have established universal suffrage for all Cambodians over age 18.

The Khmer Rouge leadership boasted over the state-controlled radio that only one or two million people were needed to build the new agrarian communist utopia. As for the others, as their proverb put it, “To keep you is no benefit, to destroy you is no loss.”[14]

Hundreds of thousands of the new people, and later the depositees, were taken out in shackles to dig their own mass graves. Then the Khmer Rouge soldiers beat them to death with iron bars and hoes or buried them alive. A Khmer Rouge extermination prison directive ordered, “Bullets are not to be wasted.” These mass graves are often referred to as The Killing Fields.

The Khmer Rouge also classified by religion and ethnic group. They banned all religion and dispersed minority groups, forbidding them to speak their languages or to practice their customs. They especially targeted Buddhist monks, Muslims, Christians, Western-educated intellectuals, educated people in general, people who had contact with Western countries or with Vietnam, disabled people, and the ethnic Chinese, Laotians and Vietnamese. Some were put in the S-21 camp for interrogation involving torture in cases where a confession was useful to the government. Many others were summarily executed. Confessions forced at S-21 were extracted from prisoners through such methods as raising prisoners by their arms tied behind and dislocating shoulders, removing toenails with pliers, suffocating a prisoner repeatedly, and skinning a person while alive.[15]

According to François Ponchaud’s book Cambodia: Year Zero, “Ever since 1972 the guerrilla fighters had been sending all the inhabitants of the villages and towns they occupied into the forest to live and often burning their homes, so that they would have nothing to come back to.” The Khmer Rouge refused offers of humanitarian aid, a decision which proved to be a humanitarian catastrophe: millions died of starvation and brutal government-inflicted overwork in the countryside. To the Khmer Rouge, outside aid went against their principle of national self-reliance.

Property became collective, and education was dispensed at communal schools. Children were raised on a communal basis. Even meals were prepared and eaten communally. Pol Pot’s regime was extremely paranoid. Political dissent and opposition were not permitted. People were treated as opponents based on their appearance or background. Torture was widespread. In some instances, throats were slit as prisoners were tied to metal bed frames.

Thousands of politicians and bureaucrats accused of association with previous governments were executed. Phnom Penh was turned into a ghost city, while people in the countryside were dying of starvation or illnesses or simply killed.

US officials had predicted that more than one million people would be killed by the Khmer Rouge if they took power,[16] and President Gerald Ford had warned of “an unbelievable horror story.”[17] Different estimates as to the number killed by the Khmer Rouge regime vary from 750,000 to over three million. Analysis of 20,000 mass grave sites by the DC-Cam Mapping Program and Yale University indicate at least 1,386,734 victims.[18] Estimates of the total number of deaths resulting from Khmer Rouge policies, including disease and starvation, range from 1.7 to 2.5 million out of a population of around 8 million.[19] Credible Western and Eastern sources[20] put the death toll inflicted by the Khmer Rouge at 1.7 million. A specific source, such as a figure of 3 million deaths between 1975 and 1979, was given by the People’s Republic of Kampuchea. François Ponchaud suggested 2.3 million, R.J. Rummel 2.4 million (counting democide in the civil wars), the Yale Cambodian Genocide Project 1.7 million, and Amnesty International 1.4 million. Demographer Marek Sliwinski concluded that at least 1.8 million were killed from 1975–9 on the basis of the total population decline, compared to roughly 40,000 killed by the US bombing.[21] Researcher Craig Etcheson of the Documentation Center of Cambodia suggests that the death toll was between 2 and 2.5 million, with a “most likely” figure of 2.2 million. After 5 years of researching some 20,000 grave sites, he concludes that, “these mass graves contain the remains of 1,386,734 victims of execution.”[22] Execution is believed to have accounted for about 30–50% of the death toll. This would indicate 2.5 to 3 million deaths, but normal mortality over this period would have accounted for about 500,000 deaths—subtracting this from the total sum, we arrive at Etcheson’s range for the number of “excess” deaths attributable to the Khmer Rouge regime.[23] A UN investigation reported 2–3 million dead, while UNICEF estimated 3 million had been killed.[24] Even the Khmer Rouge acknowledged that 2 million had been killed—though they attributed those deaths to a subsequent Vietnamese invasion.[25] By late 1979, UN and Red Cross officials were warning that another 2.25 million Cambodians faced death by starvation due to “the near destruction of Cambodian society under the regime of ousted Prime Minister Pol Pot,”[26] who were saved by American and international aid after the Vietnamese invasion. It is estimated that at least half a million more were starved to death or slaughtered after the invasion from Vietnam.[27][28]

Pol Pot aligned the country politically with the People’s Republic of China and adopted an anti-Soviet line. This alignment was more political and practical than ideological. Vietnam was aligned with the Soviet Union so Cambodia aligned with the rival of the Soviet Union and Vietnam in Southeast Asia. China had been supplying the Khmer Rouge with weapons for years before they took power.

In December 1976, Pol Pot issued directives to the senior leadership to the effect that Vietnam was now an enemy. Defenses along the border were strengthened and unreliable deportees were moved deeper into Cambodia. Pol Pot’s actions were in response to the Vietnamese Communist Party’s fourth Congress which approved a resolution describing Vietnam’s special relationship with Laos and Cambodia. It also talked of how Vietnam would forever be associated with the building and defense of the other two countries.

Conflict with Vietnam


In May 1975 a squad of Khmer Rouge soldiers raided and took Phu Quoc Island. By 1977, relations with Vietnam began to fall apart. There were small border clashes in January. Pol Pot tried to prevent border disputes by sending a team to Vietnam. The negotiations failed which resulted in even more border disputes. On April 30, the Cambodian army, backed by artillery, crossed over into Vietnam. In attempting to explain Pol Pot’s behaviour, one region-watcher[specify] suggested that Cambodia was attempting to intimidate Vietnam, by irrational acts, into respecting or at least fearing Cambodia to the point they would leave the country alone. However, these actions only served to anger the Vietnamese people and government against the Khmer Rouge.

In May 1976, Vietnam sent its air force into Cambodia in a series of raids. In July, Vietnam forced a Treaty of Friendship on Laos which gave Vietnam almost total control over the country. In Cambodia, Khmer Rouge commanders in the Eastern Zone began to tell their men that war with Vietnam was inevitable and that once the war started their goal would be to recover parts of Vietnam, (Khmer Krom) which used to be part of Cambodia, in which its people were struggling to fight for independence from Vietnam. It is not clear whether these statements were the official policy of Pol Pot.

In September 1977, Cambodia launched division-scale raids over the border which once again left a trail of murder and destruction in villages. The Vietnamese claimed that around 1,000 people had been killed or injured. Three days after the raid, Pol Pot officially announced the existence of the formerly secret Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) and finally announced to the world that the country was a Communist state. In December, after having exhausted all other options, Vietnam sent 50,000 troops into Cambodia in what amounted to a short raid. The raid was meant to be secret. The Vietnamese withdrew after declaring they had achieved their goals, and the invasion was just a warning. Upon being threatened, the Vietnamese army promised to return with support from the Soviet Union. Pol Pot’s actions made the operation much more visible than the Vietnamese had intended and created a situation in which Vietnam appeared weak.

After making one final attempt to negotiate a settlement with Cambodia, Vietnam decided that it had to prepare for a full war. Vietnam also tried to pressure Cambodia through China. However, China’s refusal to pressure Cambodia and the flow of weapons from China into Cambodia were both signs that China also intended to act against Vietnam.

When Cambodian communists rebelled in the eastern zone in May 1978 Pol Pot’s armies were unable to crush them quickly. On May 10 his radio broadcast a call not only to ‘exterminate the 50 million Vietnamese’ but also to ‘purify the masses of the people’ of Cambodia. Of 1.5 million easterners, branded as ‘Khmer bodies with Vietnamese minds’, at least 100,000 were exterminated in six months. Later that year, in response to threats to its borders and the Vietnamese people, Vietnam attacked Cambodia to overthrow the Khmer Rouge, which Vietnam could justify on the basis of self-defense.[29] The Cambodian army was defeated, the regime was toppled and Pol Pot fled to the Thai border area. In January 1979, Vietnam installed a new government under Heng Samrin, composed of Khmer Rouge who had fled to Vietnam to avoid the purges. Pol Pot eventually regrouped with his core supporters in the Thai border area where he received shelter and assistance. At different times during this period, he was located on both sides of the border. The military government of Thailand used the Khmer Rouge as a buffer force to keep the Vietnamese away from the border. The Thai military also made money from the shipment of weapons from China to the Khmer Rouge. Eventually Pol Pot was able to rebuild a small military force in the west of the country with the help of the People’s Republic of China. The PRC also initiated the Sino-Vietnamese War around this time.

After the Khmer Rouge were driven from power by the Vietnamese in 1979, the United States and other powers[specify] refused to allow the Vietnamese-backed Cambodian government to take the seat of Cambodia at the United Nations. The seat, by default, remained in the hands of the Khmer Rouge. These countries considered that however negative allowing the Khmer Rouge to hold on to the seat was, recognising Vietnam’s occupation of Cambodia was worse. Also, representatives of these countries argued[citation needed] that both claimants to the seat were Khmer Rouge governments, because Vietnam’s Cambodian government was formed from ex-Khmer Rouge cadres.

Nicolae Ceauşescu with Pol Pot (1978)

Aftermath (1979–98)

The U.S. opposed the Vietnamese military occupation of Cambodia, and in the mid-1980s supported insurgents opposed to the regime of Heng Samrin, approving $5 million in aid to the Khmer People’s National Liberation Front of former prime minister Son Sann and the pro-Sihanouk ANS in 1985. Regardless of this, Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge remained the best-trained and most capable of the three insurgent groups who, despite sharply divergent ideologies, had formed the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK) alliance three years earlier. China continued to funnel extensive military aid to the Khmer Rouge, and critics of U.S. foreign policy claimed that the U.S. was indirectly sponsoring the Khmer Rouge due to U.S. assistance given the CGDK in keeping control of the United Nations “seat” of Cambodia.[30][31][32] The U.S. refused to recognise the Cambodian government installed by the army of Vietnam or to recognise any Cambodian government operating while Cambodia was under the military occupation of Vietnam.

During this period, the Khmer Rouge was able to rebuild its military, now titled the “National Army of Democratic Kampuchea” (NADK), as well as its infamous ruling party, the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK), the sinister and shadowy “angkar”, in the mountain area of Phnom Malai. By mid-1980s, with the cooperation of the West and China, the Khmer Rouge had grown to about 35 to 50 thousand troops and committed cadres.[33]

Archives uncovered in Cambodia in 2009 have shed light on the deaths of several Western yachtsman, including 2 Australians and a New Zealander who were forced to confess under duress to being CIA operatives. The Australian yachtsman strayed into disputed waters, where they were captured by the Khmer Rouge and sent to Pol Pot’s S-21 death camp. Later Australian foreign minister Andrew Peacock resigned in 1981 over his unease over the Fraser government’s recognition of Pol Pot’s regime under pressure from China.[34]

Pol Pot lived in the Phnom Malai area, giving interviews in the early 1980s accusing all those who opposed him of being traitors and “puppets” of the Vietnamese until he disappeared from public view. In 1985, his “retirement” was announced, but he kept hiding somewhere close by, still pulling the Khmer Rouge strings of power.[35]

Phnom Malai was the location where in 1981 Pol Pot made his famous declarations denying guilt for the brutalities of the organization he led:

[Pol Pot] said that he knows that many people in the country hate him and think he’s responsible for the killings. He said that he knows many people died. When he said this he nearly broke down and cried. He said he must accept responsibility because the line was too far to the left, and because he didn’t keep proper track of what was going on. He said he was like the master in a house he didn’t know what the kids were up to, and that he trusted people too much. For example, he allowed [one person] to take care of central committee business for him, [another person] to take care of intellectuals, and [a third person] to take care of political education…. These were the people to whom he felt very close, and he trusted them completely. Then in the end … they made a mess of everything…. They would tell him things that were not true, that everything was fine, that this person or that was a traitor. In the end they were the real traitors. The major problem had been cadres formed by the Vietnamese.[36]

In December 1985, the Vietnamese launched a major offensive and overran most of the Khmer Rouge and other insurgent positions. The Khmer Rouge headquarters at Phnom Malai and its base near Pailin were completely destroyed; the Vietnamese attackers suffered substantial losses during the attack.[37]

Pol Pot fled to Thailand where he lived for the next six years. His headquarters were a plantation villa near Trat. He was guarded by Thai Special Unit 838.

Pol Pot officially resigned from the party in 1985 citing asthma as a contributing factor, but continued as the de facto Khmer Rouge leader and a dominant force within the anti-Vietnam alliance. He handed day to day power to Son Sen, his hand-picked successor. Opponents of the Khmer Rouge claimed that they were sometimes acting in an inhumane manner in territory controlled by the alliance but none of the forces fighting in Cambodia could be said to have clean hands.

In 1986, his new wife Mea Son gave birth to a daughter, Sitha, named after an experimental form of North Vietnamese cookery. Shortly after, Pol Pot moved to China for medical treatment for cancer of the face. He remained there until 1988.

In 1989, Vietnam withdrew from Cambodia. The Khmer Rouge established a new stronghold area in the west near the Thai border and Pol Pot relocated back into Cambodia from Thailand. Pol Pot refused to cooperate with the peace process, and kept fighting the new coalition government. The Khmer Rouge kept the government forces at bay until 1996, when troops started deserting. Several important Khmer Rouge leaders also defected. The government had a policy of making peace with Khmer Rouge individuals and groups after negotiations with the organization as a whole failed. In 1995 Pol Pot experienced a stroke that paralyzed the left side of his body.

Pol Pot ordered the execution of his life-long right-hand man Son Sen on June 10, 1997 for attempting to make a settlement with the government. Eleven members of his family were killed also, although Pol Pot later denied that he had ordered this. He then fled his northern stronghold, but was later arrested by Khmer Rouge military Chief Ta Mok. In July he was subjected to a show trial for the death of Son Sen and sentenced to lifelong house arrest.[38]


On the night of April 15, 1998, the Voice of America, of which Pol Pot was a devoted listener, announced that the Khmer Rouge had agreed to turn him over to an international tribunal. According to his wife, he died in his bed later in the night while waiting to be moved to another location. Ta Mok claimed that his death was due to heart failure.[39] Despite government requests to inspect the body, it was cremated a few days later at Anlong Veng in the Khmer Rouge zone, raising strong suspicions that he committed suicide or was poisoned.[40][41]

 Analysis and perspectives

Demographic evidence indicates that the US bombings of Cambodia, especially the Menu bombings, ultimately killed about 40,000 Cambodian combatants and civilians.[42] Some estimates go as high as 100,000 killed by the bombing.[43] The US Seventh Air Force argued that the bombing prevented the fall of Phnom Penh in 1973 by killing 16,000 of 25,500 Khmer Rouge fighters besieging the city.

On March 30, 2009, Kaing Guek Eav (also known by his nom de guerre Duch), Khmer Rouge commandant of Cambodia’s Tuol Sleng prison and torture house, testified at the UN-backed Tribunal, that US policies in the 1970s contributed to the brutal regime’s rise to power.[44] “I think the Khmer Rouge would already have been demolished,” he said of their status by 1970.[44]

“But Mr. Kissinger (then Special Assistant to the President for Foreign Affairs and National Security Advisor) and Richard Nixon were quick [to back coup leader General Lon Nol], and then the Khmer Rouge noted the golden opportunity.” “Because of this alliance, the Khmer Rouge were able to build up their power over the course of their 1970–75 war against the Lon Nol regime,” Duch said.[44]

This view has been disputed,[45][46][47] with author John M. Del Vecchio asserting that the Communist forces had the American equivalent of four million armed and organized troops overrun two-thirds of the country prior to any American bombing, and with documents uncovered from the Soviet archives revealing that the North Vietnamese invasion of 1970 was launched at the explicit request of the Khmer Rouge following negotiations with Nuon Chea.[48]

International support

Support from China

The Chinese government is regarded to have been the main international support for the Khmer Rouge and its leader Pol Pot. The Chinese provided financial and military support to the party[49]. China’s motivation is believed to have been due to their intense rivalry with Vietnam at the time, which coincided with Pol Pot’s plans to regain the ancient lands of the kingdom, which were, and are currently, belonging to neighboring countries such as Vietnam.

 Support from UN

During the Khmer Rouge regime, and a period of time directly after, the Khmer Rouge was recognised by UN as a legitimate government, and therefore held a seat at the UN.[50] While many leaders at the UN attempted to appeal this, the majority allowed the Khmer Rouge (later titled “Democratic Republic of Kampuchea”) to keep their seat for 15 years following the genocide

2.The Biography of Cambodian leader


Hun Sen was born in 1952 into a peasant family in Kampong Cham province. As a teenager, Hun Sen joined the communist resistance, as he repeatedly mentions, in response to King Sihanouk’s appeal. After the Khmer Rouge victory in 1975, he became a regimental leader in the Eastern Zone. As the violent purge against eastern zone cadres intensified, Hun Sen, along with other zone leaders, fled to Vietnam.In January 1979, Hun Sen returned to Cambodia alongside the invading Vietnamese soldiers and rose rapidly within the ranks of the leadership in the People’s Republic of Kampuchea. He was appointed foreign minister in 1979 and prime minister in 1985. His role in the Cambodian People’s Party became even more prominent during the negotiation process leading to the signing of the Paris Peace Agreements, when he served as the chief negotiator for the People’s Republic of Kampuchea and the State of Cambodia.

Although his party, the Cambodian People’s Party, lost the 1993 U.N elections, he was able to put pressure on the victorious party, the FUNCINPEC party, to share power, an arrangement in which his party had an upper hand. Although he served as the Second Prime Minister he was the de facto leader of Cambodia. From 1995, Hun Sen’s relations with Prince Norodom Ranariddh were extremely cool, leading eventually to fierce fighting in July 1997 during which Prince Ranariddh was overthrown in a coup d’etat. Since the 1998 elections, Hun Sen became the Prime Minister of Cambodia.

2.Ieng Mouly

Ieng Mouly.jpg (7866 bytes)Ieng Mouly was vice president of the Buddhist Liberal Democratic Party. Upon the establishment of the coalition government in 1993, Ieng Mouly became the Minister of Information. Political splits within BLDP led Mouly to challenge Son Sann’s leadership by holding his own congress and attempting to get himself elected as the president of BLDP. But his attempt did not succeed. He then formed his owned political party called Buddhist Liberal Party and led this party to contest the 1998 general elections — without any success.

 Sihanouk_Small.jpg (22136 bytes)3.Norodom Sihanouk was crowned king at the age of 18 by the French colonial authorities who thought that the young Sihanouk would make a tractable monarch. This judgment was proven wrong when Sihanouk later challenged the French to grant Cambodia independence in 1953. Since then, Sihanouk has played a central role in Cambodian politics, achieving both fame and blame for the fate of Cambodians as the country achieved peace and tranquility in the 1950s and 1960s and plunged into great tragedy in the 1970s.

In 1955, in order to release himself from royal ceremonial duties and in order to enter politics as a private citizen, King Norodom Sihanouk abdicated the throne. He then set up a political movement called Sangkum Reastr Niyum (People’s Socialist Community) that coopted all sectors of society. Through Sangkum, Sihanouk ruled Cambodia singlehandedly. He proclaimed himself to be the father of Cambodia in all fields and he referred to Cambodians as his children. With global geopolitical shift, Prince Sihanouk lost his political balance and was finally disposed by his own Prime Minister General Lon Nol in March 1970.

After he was overthrown, Sihanouk formed a government in exile called the Royal Government of National Union that included the Khmer Rouge. In actuality, the Khmer Rouge was in full control of the coalition and used Sihanouk to advance its course. When the Khmer Rouge seized power on April 17, 1975 in the name of the Royal Government of National Union, Sihanouk served as the head of state. He resigned the post in 1976 and was placed under house arrest at the Royal Palace by the Khmer Rouge. When the Vietnamese invade Cambodia in 1979, Sihanouk once again lived in exile. In 1980, he founded a political party, known by its French acronym, FUNCINPEC (National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, and Peaceful Cambodia), to fight against the Vietnamese occupying forces and the Vietnamese backed regime. His political force joined Son San’s Khmer People’s National Liberation Front and the Khmer Rouge to form the Coalition government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK) with himself as the president.

In 1987, Sihanouk began to negotiate with Hun Sen for a solution to the Cambodian conflict, that lead to the 1991 Paris Peace Agreement and paved the way for the 1993 United Nations sponsored elections. On September 1993, Prince Norodom Sihanouk was once again crowned King — but this time one who reigns but does not rule. Since the 1993, Sihanouk has been sincere in attempting to lift Cambodia out of its past tragedy. However, Sihanouk’s role in Cambodian politics has been limited by his poor health and old age and continuing political conflicts. Despite these problems, Sihanouk has played a leading role in defusing political tensions in the Kingdom and mediating conflict between his son Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Hun Sen. Sihanouk remains the symbol of national unity, a political icon with great dignity that commands respect from the majority of Cambodians.”


Prince Chakrapong.jpg (6847 bytes)Prince Norodom Chakrapong

is a son of King Norodom Sihanouk. Prince Chakrapong entered the resistant movement with FUNCINPEC in the 1980s and became its military commander. Dissatisfied with FUNCINPEC’s new leader, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, whom he criticized for his pursuit of wealth by any means, Chakrapong defected from the party and joined the CPP in 1992, becoming a politburo member and deputy prime minister in Hun Sen’s government. When the CPP lost the 1993 United Nations sponsored elections, Chakrapong along with Sin Song allegedly orchestrated a secessionist movement in Eastern Cambodia to put pressure on FUNCINPEC to share power with the CPP. The tactic worked, resulting in a power arrangement in which the new government was headed by two prime ministers, first and second, whereas the government portfolios at the central and provincial levels were divided among the three major parties—the CPP, FUNCINPEC and the BLDP. In 1994, Chakrapong, along with other senior CPP military and security officials, organized an aborted coup to overthrow the government of Hun Sen and Ranariddh. He was arrested and sent into exile. He returned to Cambodia after the 1998 political deal between the CPP and FUNCINPEC and now is engaging in private business.


NorodomRanariddh_Small.jpg (42371 bytes)Prince Norodom Ranariddh was born in 1944 and is the eldest son of King Norodom Sihanouk. He obtained a doctoral degree in Public International Law at the University of Aix-en-Provence and then joined the faculty from 1976 to 1983. He quit his job to become actively involved in Cambodian politics. When Sihanouk became the Chairman of the Supreme National Council in 1991, Prince Rannariddh succeeded his father to become the president of the royalist FUNCINPEC party.

In 1993 after his party won the plurality of votes in the UN sponsored elections, he served as the first Prime Minister in a coalition government with Hun Sen as Second Prime Minister. He was ousted by Hun Sen, his junior partner, in a violent coup d’etat in July 1997 and was forced into exile. With active intervention from the international community and from his father, King Norodom Sihanouk, Prince Ranariddh was allowed to return to Cambodia and participate in the 1998 elections. Since then, he has served as the Chairman of the National Assembly and his party once again joined the Cambodia People’s Party to form a coalition.

6.Prince Norodom Sirivudh is a half-brother of King Norodom Sihanouk and a popular and prominent leader of FUNCINPEC. After the 1993 elections, he served as deputy prime minister and minister for foreign affairs. In 1995, the prince was arrested by then second prime minister Hun Sen on charges of attempting to assassinate him. With active intervention from King Norodom Sihanouk, the prince was sent into exile in France later that year. He was allowed to return to Cambodia after the 1998 agreement between FUNCINPEC and the CPP. In an effort to restructure and strengthen FUNCINPEC after years of factionalism, Prince Norodom Sirivudh, because of his popularity, was appointed by FUNCINPEC as its Secretary General in 2001. The prince is also Supreme Privy Council to his Majesty King Norodom Sihanouk and chairman of the Board of Directors of the Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace.


Sam Rainsy.jpg (6201 bytes)Sam Rainsy is a Khmer returnee from France where he was educated and worked as an investment banker. After the 1993 United Nations sponsored elections, he became FUNCINPEC’s minister of finance. As a minister, he attempted to transform the financial institutions in Cambodia and was committed to fight corruption and to increase government revenues. Because of his strong commitment against corrupt practices, Rainsy’s popularity rose, making him one of the best-known politicians in Cambodia. His strong stance against the existing establishment earned him many enemies both within his own political party and beyond. As a result, Rainsy was dismissed from his post as minister of finance in 1994, and from the National Assembly in 1995, by his party boss Prince Norodom Ranariddh.

Sam Rainsy started his own political party called the Khmer Nation Party, despite the fact that there has been no law on the establishment of new political parties since the promulgation of the National Assembly in 1993. The government did not recognize this political party and thus its members were harassed by the authorities at all levels. It was internal factionalism that brought an end to the Khmer Nation Party. In the run up to the 1998 general elections, Sam Rainsy launched another political party named after himself, the Sam Rainsy Party. The Sam Rainsy Party ran on a platform of nationalism, of anti-corruption, and of fighting for justice for the poor and powerless. The Sam Rainsy Party won 14 of the 120 seats at National Assembly.

8.Sin Song was a senior CPP official and former minister of interior of the government of the State of Cambodia. Sin Song was actively involved in the political violence and intimidation against members of opposition parties during the 1993 United Nations sponsored elections. After the CPP lost the elections, Sin Song along with Prince Chakrapong allegedly organized a succession movement in eastern Cambodia to put pressure on FUNCINPEC to share power. In 1994, he and other senior CPP military and security officers led an aborted coup to overthrow the Ranariddh and Hun Sen coalition government. He then fled the country. He was convicted to absentia and was pardoned by King Sihanouk in 1998. He returned to Cambodia and died in 2000 of diabetes.


SonSann.jpg (6014 bytes)Son Sann was born in 1911 in Southern Vietnam. He was educated in France where he received a degree in commerce from the School for Advanced Commercial Studies. Upon completion of his education in 1933, Son Sann served in numerous positions under the French colonial rule and under Sihanouk regime including governor of the Cambodia’s National Bank, minister of finance, and prime minister. A veteran politician, Son Sann was regarded by many Cambodians as a true nationalist and a man of dignity and high intelligence. After Sihanouk was overthrown in 1970 by General Lon Nol, Son Sann left Cambodia and settled in Paris.

In 1980, Son Sann set up an anti-communist resistance movement, the Khmer People’s National Liberation Front (KPNLF) in opposition to the Vietnamese occupying forces and its satellite government, the People’s Republic of Kampuchea. The KPNLF joined the royalist FUNCINPEC and the Khmer Rouge to form a Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea. Son Sann served as the prime minister of this government in exile. Prior to the 1993 supervised elections, Son San transformed KPNLF into the Buddhist Liberal Democratic Party. This party won 10 seats out of a total 120 seats in the 1993 general elections. Son Sann served briefly as the Chairman of the National Assembly during which time he was actively involved in the supervision of the drafting of the new constitution. By the end of 1993 he retired from public life.

Son Sann died in 2000. The end of his life was marked with frustration when his attempts to introduce democratic pluralism to Cambodia were unsuccessful, and his political party was weakened and then disintegrated by factionalism. His subsequent political party, known as the Son Sann Party, failed to capture a single seat in the 1998 elections.


Son Sen.jpg (15319 bytes)Son Sen, like other members of the Khmer Rouge inner circle, was educated in Paris in the 1950s where he was drawn into communism. Upon his return from France, Son Sen, while working as director of studies at the National Teaching Institute, played a leading role in the clandestine activities of Communist Party of Kampuchea. Fearing Prince Sihanouk’s secret police, Son Sen fled Phnom Penh to the jungle and became Khmer Rouge chief of staff. During Democratic Kampuchea, he served as minister of defense and deputy prime minister. Recent archival research revealed that Son Sen was directly involved in the Khmer Rouge murderous activities and the radical policies that led to the deaths of over a million and a half Cambodians. He was relieved of his official duties in May 1992 because he advocated the idea of participating in the peace process outlined in the Peace Paris Agreements, but was latter reinstated. He, along with his nine children and grandchildren, were murdered in June 1997 by Pol Pot for intending to negotiate with the government.

3.The Pol Pot ‘s Man

(1)Nuon Chea,the second brother

NumChea.jpg (14233 bytes)Nuon Chea was born in 1925. He was deputy secretary of the Central Committee and a member of the Standing Committee of the Communist Party of Kampuchea. He was also believed to be Pol Pot’s right hand man. In this capacity, Nuon Chea played a critical role in initiation and implementation of policies of the government of Democratic Kampuchea. Recent archival research revealed that Nun Chea played a critical role in the purges during the DK period through the authorization of detention or execution of Khmer Rouge “enemies.” He is now living freely in Pailin, a former Khmer Rouge stronghold in Northwestern Cambodia along the Thai-Cambodian border that is an autonomous region.

(2) Premier Khieu Samphan

 Samphan_Sihanouk_Small.jpg (14321 bytes)Khieu Samphan (on the left) is believed to have been born in 1931 in Svay Rieng province. Because of his intelligence and hard work, Samphan won a government scholarship to study in France where like many other Cambodian students, he was drawn into Marxism. He earned a doctorate in economics for thesis on Cambodia’s economy. He was elected to the National Assembly twice, in 1962 and again 1964, and served one time in the Sihanouk’s cabinet. Khieu Samphan achieved a reputation as “Mr. Clean” because of his incorruptibility.

Facing intensely increased suppression by Sihanouk against the leftists, Khieu Samphan fled Phnom Penh to join Pol Pot in the jungle. He did not make public appearances until 1973 and during this period he was believed to have been killed by Sihanouk’s secret police. After the Khmer Rouge seizure of power in 1975, Khieu Samphan succeeded Sihanouk as the head of state. Since then he played a crucial role as the spokesperson for the Khmer Rouge, and thus his reputation is slightly better than of Pol Pot, Ieng Sary and other Khmer Rouge leaders. When the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea was created in 1982, Khieu Samphan became its vice president in charge of foreign affairs. Khieu Samphan represented the Khmer Rouge in peace negotiations leading to the signing of the Paris Peace Agreement in 1991 and served as Khmer Rouge representative to the Supreme National Council.

Like many other top Khmer Rouge leaders, Khieu Samphan is now living in Pailin under the control of the Khmer Rouge forces loyal to his brother-in-law and former Khmer Rouge foreign minister Ieng Sary.

(3)Foreign Menistry Heng Samrin

Heng Samrin_Small.jpg (42768 bytes)Heng Samrin was born in 1934 in Prey Veng province. He was little known until his installation as the president of the National United Front for National Salvation by the Vietnamese in whose name the Vietnamese used to justified its invasion of Cambodia in December 1978. Between 1976-1978, Heng Sarin served as political commissar and commander of Democratic Kampuchea’s fourth division stationed in the eastern zone. In May 1978, he was involved in a failed rebellion against Pol Pot’s leadership and fled to Vietnam to escape political purge.

Heng Samrin entered Cambodia with the Vietnamese invading forces and was appointed the president of the State Council and Secretary General of the People’s Revolutionary Party of Kampuchea and served in that capacity until 1989. However, Heng Samrin did not have a strong power base consequently leading to the erosion of his power as the political climate in Cambodia changed. With anticipation of a comprehensive political settlement, the People’s Revolutionary Party of Kampuchea transformed itself into the Cambodian People’s Party with Chea Sim as president and Hun Sen as vice president. Heng Samrin was then given a new ceremonial title of Honorary President.

(4)Ieng Sary

IengSary_Small.jpg (6730 bytes)Ieng Sary was a member of the Standing Committee of the Communist Party of Kampuchea and was a deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Democratic Kampuchea between 1975 and 1978. Like Pol Pot and Khieu Samphan, he won a government scholarship to study in France in 1950 and was drawn into communism. A few years after his return from France in the mid-1950s, Ieng Sary was engaged in clandestine revolutionary activities and worked as a schoolteacher. Facing intense crackdown on communists by the Sihanouk regime, in 1963, Ieng Sary, along with Pol Pot, left Phnom Penh for the remote jungle in the Eastern Cambodia.

He escaped to the Thai border after the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1979 and continued to serve as the Khmer Rouge deputy prime minister in charge of foreign affairs. Ieng Sary transferred formal responsibility in foreign affairs to Khieu Samphan after the creation of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea in 1982. Although he did not hold any formal position within the Khmer Rouge leadership, Ieng Sary was a very powerful figure within the Khmer Rouge as he secured a personal command in Pailin, a gem and timber rich Khmer Rouge stronghold in western Cambodia.

As rifts within the Khmer Rouge intensified as a result of its failure to advance militarily after the signing of the Paris Peace Agreement in 1991 and the drying up of Chinese aid, Ieng Sary defected to the government in 1996 along with the forces he commanded. He was soon pardoned by King Norodom Sihanouk from the death sentenced passed on him in absentia in 1979 by the Vietnamese backed government of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea. Although Ieng Sary holds no official position, he is believed to be the de facto leader of this autonomous region.

the Ieng Say profile now


 (5)Khmer Rouge’s Social menistry Ieng Thirith

thre original info above  not so clear, but some info still can read:

IENG THIRITH  was boorn in Sangha Ma 5 ,Phom Phen on march 10th,1932, she studied at the University Sinowath in Pnom Phen and then studied a degree in English Literature in Franch.She merried Ieng Sarry in 1951, her sister merried Pol Pot. Ieng Thirith return to Camboida in 1957 to work as an English Profesor. During the DK period, he was a senior member of the Government and held the position of Menister of Social affairs.

(4)Duch (Kaeng Guek Eav) the chief of Tuel sleng prisoner(the Killing Field)

45 years sought for Duch

Prosecutors at the Khmer Rouge tribunal are seeking a 45-year prison term without parole for former Tuol Sleng prison chief Kaing Guek Eav, saying that the 30-year sentence he received in July is “plainly unjust”, according to an appeal made public Tuesday.
In their 66-page appeal, the prosecutors asked that the former jailer, better known as Duch, receive a life sentence that would then be commuted to 45 years due to his unlawful pretrial detention.
They also requested that “a further reduction be made as appropriate for the very limited mitigating circumstances” in the case, a reduction that international co-prosecutor Andrew Cayley said should be five years “at an absolute maximum”.
The prosecutors said the gravity of the crimes committed had led them to “an unmistakable conclusion that the Trial Chamber failed to exercise its sentencing discretion properly”.
“The facts are stubborn. They will not go away,” the prosecutors wrote in their appeal.
“There comes a point where the crimes committed are sufficiently grave and the offender sufficiently notorious, or in such a position of authority, that the highest sentence must be imposed. That point was reached and passed here.”
 Duch became the first person sentenced at the tribunal in July when he was found guilty of crimes against humanity and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions for his role as head of the Khmer Rouge secret police and his leadership of Tuol Sleng, a facility in which nearly all of the perhaps 14,000 prisoners who passed through were eventually killed.

The Trial Chamber judges initially settled on a 35-year sentence, rather than a maximum life term, because of mitigating circumstances including Duch’s cooperation with the court and his “limited” expressions of remorse.

 They deducted an additional five years because of the period of unlawful detention Duch served at a military court following his arrest in 1999.
 With credit for time served, Duch stands to be released in roughly 19 years, a sentence that a number of victims charged was unacceptably short.
 Cayley said the decision to appeal had been driven both by legal analysis and public opinion.

“We certainly listened to the public in making this decision, and certainly to the victims, which we have an obligation to do, but I also think we examined the judgment very carefully and we felt that too much consideration was given to the mitigating circumstances,” Cayley said.

 During closing arguments last year, the prosecution requested that Duch receive a 40-year prison term.
 Anne Heindel, a legal adviser at the Documentation Centre of Cambodia, said that in view of international precedent, the nature of Duch’s offences could augur an increased term.
 “The average seems to go up when you’ve committed crimes over an extended period,” Heindel said. “I do think that that is an important factor that should weigh in.”
 Duch’s defence lawyers have also announced plans to appeal against the judgment, charging that their client does not fall within the tribunal’s mandate to investigate “senior leaders and those most responsible” for crimes committed under Democratic Kampuchea.
 The prosecution has requested that appeal hearings be held publicly, and Cayley guessed that they would begin “towards end of this year or the beginning of next year”.

Tuol Sleng survivor Chum Mey said the appeal was in accordance with victims’ wishes.

 “I think if the court sentences [Duch] to 45 years in prison, we would accept it because we consider that the same as a life sentence,” Chum Mey said.
A Khmer  Rouge document written by S-21 prison chief Duch(Kaing Geak Wav) on October,1st.1976. The Letter is  addresed to comerade Pon to used “HOT TORTURE METHOD”..even it may cause ” DEATH ” upon a prisoner accused of hiding his enemis lines and traitors act.
Dear Comarade Pon.
1.Before ten to nine this morning, based on document and report gathered on from our Comerades, I reported to Angkar about Ya’s case concerning his consience.
2.Angkar made decision that if the lowlife Ya continues hiding his enemies lines and traitors act, Angkar will decided  to kill him.This  action in order to stop him from playing tricks on us.One time he accidently mentioned it(the book) and another time he denied the existence  of  the entire of the book  and the another time he denied the existence of the whole book., His action was regarded a disrespectfull toward not only the Security Comminttee but aslo the Party.
3.Therefore you, Comarade can employ hot torture method with force for long period of time upon brother Ya even if may cause death, you comerade,will be not accused of disobeying Party Regulations.
 With Warm  revolutionary Fraternity
October  1,1976

(5) Ta Mok

Tamok.jpg (5908 bytes)Ta Mok, meaning “grandfather” Mok, is an alias for one of the most notorious Khmer Rouge military commanders, Chhit Choeun. Ta Mok is also known as “the butcher” for his role in the violent political purges during the Khmer Rouge rule between 1975-1978 when he served as the party secretary-general of the southwestern zone.

After the Khmer Rouge’s defeat by the Vietnamese forces in 1979, Ta Mok became the vice-chairman of the supreme commission of the national army of Democratic Kampuchea with his base at Along Veng in the northern part of Cambodia along the Thai border. In the 1990s, Ta Mok became very influential within the Khmer Rouge leadership because he commanded a large number of troops, roughly 70 percent of the Khmer Rouge army.

Suffering from factionalism and defection, Ta Mok’s stronghold at Along Veng was captured by the government forces in 1998 and he was driven deeper into the jungle. He was captured in 1999 and now is in jail awaiting trial on charges of genocide.

the end Copyright Dr Iwan suwandy 2011

The Lon Nol Khmer(Cambodia) Civil War 1970-1974












The Driwan’s  Cybermuseum


Dr Iwan Cambodia War Cybermuseum

Showroom :

The Lon Nol Khmer(Cambodia) War 1970-1974

A. The Lon Nol Cambodia ‘s Chronologic Historic Collections

LonNol_Small.jpg (10825 bytes)

1. 1970

1)Cambodian coup of 1970(The 1970 Coup)

Sihanouk later claimed that the 1970 coup against him was the result of an alliance between his longstanding enemy, exiled politician Son Ngoc Thanh and Sirik Matak, with CIA support and planning.[7] It seems likely that Lon Nol initially intended to strengthen his position against the North Vietnamese with the ultimate aim of preventing their troops (and those of the Viet Cong) from operating within Cambodian borders, and wished to apply pressure on Sihanouk to achieve this.[8] However, events rapidly developed far beyond the original plan, and with the encouragement of Sirik Matak – who wished to see Sihanouk deposed as Head of State – Lon Nol was ultimately to engineer Sihanouk’s removal.


The three men behind the coup of 1970. From left to right, Sirik Matak, Lon Nol, and In Tam.

Sirik Matak’s power increased substantially after Lon Nol became Prime Minister in August 1969. Appointed Lon Nol’s deputy, he proceeded to organise a series of economic denationalisation and deregulation measures in opposition to Sihanouk’s previous policy of state control of import and export, banking, and production of pharmaceuticals and alcohol.[4] Sirik Matak even visited Hanoi secretly to find out what could be done to remove Vietnamese troops from Cambodian soil. He was infuriated when he was shown documents signed by Sihanouk agreeing to the establishment of Vietnamese bases and the transport of Vietnamese supplies through Cambodian ports.[5] On March 12, 1970, while Sihanouk was on a trip abroad, Sirik Matak canceled Sihanouk’s trade agreements and Lon Nol demanded that all North Vietnamese and NLF troops leave Cambodia by dawn on March 15 (the deadline passed without any response from the Vietnamese).[6] 2.March 1970

(1)March ,10th,1972

While Sihanouk was abroad during March 1970, there were anti-Vietnamese riots in Phnom Penh. Lon Nol became the first and only President of Cambodia in 1970. Akkek Sena Tekka Kong Tok Lon Nol or Lok Sena Bra Mok Lon Nol (President Lon Nol)

(2)On 12 March 1970

Lon Nol and Sirik Matak closed the port of Sihanoukville, through which weapons were being smuggled to the Viet Cong, to the North Vietnamese and issued an ultimatum: all PAVN (North Vietnamese) and NLF (Viet Cong) forces were to withdraw from Cambodian soil within 72 hours or face military action.[9]

Lon Nol initially refused to countenance Sihanouk being deposed as Head of State; to force his hand, Sirik Matak played him a tape-recorded press conference from Paris, in which Sihanouk blamed them for the unrest and threatened to execute them both on his return to Phnom Penh.[10] However, the Prime Minister remained uncertain as to whether to instigate a vote in the National Assembly.

On March 12, 1970, while Sihanouk was on a trip abroad, Sirik Matak canceled Sihanouk’s trade agreements .and  On the night of 17 March, Sirik Matak, accompanied by three army officers, went to the Prime Ministers’s residence and compelled a weeping Lon Nol to sign the necessary documents at gunpoint.[11]

(4) March,15th 1970

Lon Nol demanded that all North Vietnamese and NLF troops leave Cambodia by dawn on March 15 (the deadline passed without any response from the Vietnamese).[

(5) March,17th.1970


A vote was taken in the National Assembly on 18 March in which Sihanouk was stripped of his power. Lon Nol assumed the powers of the Head of State on an emergency basis.

On March 18, Sirik Matak assisted Lon Nol in organising a vote of the National Assembly to depose Sihanouk as head of state. The pretext was given by a series of anti-Vietnamese riots – likely encouraged by the Prime Minister and his deputy – in front of the North Vietnamese embassy. Foreign media subsequently suggested that Sirik Matak, who continued as Lon Nol’s deputy in the new government, was the real organisational force behind the coup;[7] it was claimed that in order to finally convince Lon Nol, Sirik Matak had played him a tape-recorded press conference from Paris, in which Sihanouk threatened to execute them both on his return to Phnom Penh.[8] It was even reported that Sirik Matak compelled Lon Nol at gunpoint to commit to deposing Sihanouk

(6) March ,28th and 29th,1970

On 28 and 29 March there were large-scale popular demonstrations in favour of Sihanouk in several provincial cities, but Lon Nol’s forces suppressed them, causing several hundred deaths.[12]

(7) April,1972

In the meantime, the Cambodian Campaign of April 1970, in which US and South Vietnamese forces entered Cambodian territory in pursuit of North Vietnamese and Viet Cong troops, had irrevocably involved Lon Nol’s regime in the Second Indochina War.

(8)October ,1972

The Khmer Republic was formally declared that October, and Sihanouk – who had formed a government-in-exile, the GRUNK, incorporating the Khmer Rouge communists – was condemned to death in absentia.  2.1971



march 1974


March 1974, Cambodia – President Lon Nol

March 1974, Cambodia — President Lon Nol. Since the Lon Nol coup in March 1970, two groups fought for control of Cambodia, the Khmer National Armed Forces (FANK), supported by the USA and the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN), pitted against the Cambodian People’s National Liberation Armed Forces (composed of Maoist nationalists and Khmer Rouge communists), supported by North Vietnam and the Vietcong.




1)  april,1975

The Khmer Rouge force captured Phnom Penh in April 1975; then evacuated the city and began a radical revolutionary experiment. Under Pol Pot leadership, the Khmer Rouge are responsible for the death of over a million and a half Cambodians, and the near total destruction of Cambodia’s social, economic, and cultural foundations.polpot2_Small.jpg (6048 bytes)

After the Vietnamese invasion in 1978, Pol Pot and the remnants of the Khmer Rouge forces escaped to the Thai border where, with support from ASEAN and China, they set up resistance against the Vietnamese troops and the Vietnamese backed government in Phnom Penh. Throughout the 1980s and the first half of 1990s, Pol Pot continued to exercise leadership over the Khmer Rouge guerrilla forces. He is believed to play a crucial role in influencing the movement to participate in the negotiation leading to the signing of the Paris Peace Agreement and also to the subsequently boycott of the peace process and the elections supervised by UNTAC.

2)By 1975, the government was eventually reduced to holding little more than Phnom Penh. The FANK had run out of ammunition. Lon Nol was increasingly dependent on the advice of soothsayers and Buddhist mystics: at one point during a Khmer Rouge assault on Phnom Penh, he sprinkled a circular line of consecrated sand in order to defend the city.


Finally, on April 1, 1975, he resigned and fled the country into exile, as the Khmer Rouge had vowed to execute him.


(a)The first priority of the Khmer Rouge after conquering Cambodia and overthrowing the Khmer Republic was to execute all its leaders and high officials without delay,[13] a fate that Lon Nol escaped.

Lon Nol fled from Cambodia to Indonesia and then to the United States;

first settling in Hawaii ,Oahu became home for ex-Cambodian leader’s exile

Exiled Cambodian President Lon Nol lived on O’ahu from 1975 to 1979
1979   moving to California.  in Fullerton, California.

He died on November 17, 1985.

B.The Biography Of Lon Nol and Prince Sisowath Siri Matak

1.Lon Nol

LonNol_Small.jpg (10825 bytes)Lon Nol was born on November 13, 1913 in Prey Veng province. He was a long time social servant first under the French colonial administration and later under Sihanouk. Because of his loyalty to Sihanouk, Lon Nol was assigned various important portfolios within the Sihanouk regime, including chief of police, governor, command-in-chief and minister of defense and prime minister twice from 1966 to 1967 and again in 1969.

In 1970, as Prince Sihanouk’s hold on power began to slip, Lon Nol with hesitation, collaborated with Prince Sisovath Sirik Matak to overthrow Sihanouk in a coup d’etat, abolishing the monarchy and declaring Cambodia a republic with himself as the president. Lon Nol proved to be an incompetent leader who made decisions based on mystical beliefs rather sound judgment when faced with stiff challenges from Vietnamese forces and Khmer Rouge. His government was ripe with corruption. In 1971, Lon Nol suffered a serious stroke. His regime was sustained by massive US military assistance and a long-term bombing campaign. He went into exile in Hawaii just days before the Khmer Rouge soldiers entered Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975. Lon Nol lived there until 1979 and then moved to California where he died in November, 1985.

Lon Nol

In office
March 10, 1972 – April 1, 1975
Preceded by Cheng Heng
Succeeded by Saukam Khoy

In office
October 25, 1966 – May 1, 1967
August 14, 1969 – March 11, 1972
Preceded by Norodom Kantol
Samdech Penn Nouth
Succeeded by Son Sann
Sisowath Sirik Matak
Personal details
Born November 13, 1913(1913-11-13)
Prey Veng, Cambodia
Died November 17, 1985(1985-11-17) (aged 72)
Fullerton, California,
United States
This article contains Khmer text. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Khmer script.

Lon Nol (Khmer: លន់ នល់; ​November 13, 1913 – November 17, 1985) was a Cambodian politician and general who served as Prime Minister of Cambodia twice, as well as serving repeatedly as Defense Minister. He led a military coup against Prince Norodom Sihanouk and became self-proclaimed President of the newly-created Khmer Republic.




Early life

Nol was born in Prey Veng Province on November 13, 1913, to a family of mixed ChineseKhmer descent.[1][2] His father, Lon Hin, served as a district chief in Siem Reap and Kampong Thom, after making a name for himself ‘pacifying’ bandit groups in Prey Veng.[3] Nol was educated in the relatively privileged surroundings of the Lycée Chasseloup-Laubat in Saigon, followed by the Cambodian Royal Military Academy.

Employment in the colonial government

Nol found employment with the French colonial civil service in 1937. He became a magistrate, and soon proved himself as an efficient enforcer of French rule against a series of anti-colonial disturbances in 1939.[3] By 1946, he had risen to the post of Governor of Kratie Province. He became an associate of King Norodom Sihanouk, and by the late 1940s, when he set up a right-wing, monarchist, pro-independence political group, was becoming increasingly involved in the developing Cambodian political scene. Joining the army in 1952, he carried out military operations against the Viet Minh.

After independence, Nol’s nationalist Khmer Renovation party (along with small right-wing parties headed by Sam Sary and Dap Chhuon) became the core of the Sangkum, the organisation set up by Sihanouk to fight the 1955 elections.[4]

In the administration of Sihanouk, 1955–70

Nol was appointed the Army Chief of Staff in 1955, and commander-in-chief of the armed forces in 1960, as well as serving as Defence Minister. At the time, he was a trusted supporter of Sihanouk, his police being instrumental in the suppression of the small, clandestine communist movement in Cambodia. He was appointed deputy Premier in 1963. While Sihanouk – in an attempt to distance his country from the effects of the Second Indochina War – was pursuing a foreign policy of “extreme neutrality”, which involved association with China and toleration of North Vietnamese activity on the eastern borders, Nol remained friendly towards the United States, and indicated that he regretted the ending of US aid after 1963.[5]

The 1966 parliamentary elections represented a major shift in the balance of power towards Lon Nol and the rightist elements of the Sangkum, as conservative and right-wing candidates were overwhelmingly elected.[6] Lon Nol became Prime Minister, and the following year his troops were used by Sihanouk to carry out a savage repression of a leftist-inspired revolt, the Samlaut Uprising, in Battambang Province.

Nol was injured in a car crash later in 1967, and temporarily retired from politics. In 1968, however, he returned as Minister of Defence and in 1969 became Prime Minister a second time, appointing the vocally anti-Sihanouk, and pro-US politician Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak as his deputy.

The 1970 Coup


Sihanouk later claimed that the 1970 coup against him was the result of an alliance between his longstanding enemy, exiled politician Son Ngoc Thanh and Sirik Matak, with CIA support and planning.[7] It seems likely that Lon Nol initially intended to strengthen his position against the North Vietnamese with the ultimate aim of preventing their troops (and those of the Viet Cong) from operating within Cambodian borders, and wished to apply pressure on Sihanouk to achieve this.[8] However, events rapidly developed far beyond the original plan, and with the encouragement of Sirik Matak – who wished to see Sihanouk deposed as Head of State – Lon Nol was ultimately to engineer Sihanouk’s removal.

While Sihanouk was abroad during March 1970, there were anti-Vietnamese riots in Phnom Penh. On 12 March, Lon Nol and Sirik Matak closed the port of Sihanoukville, through which weapons were being smuggled to the Viet Cong, to the North Vietnamese and issued an ultimatum: all PAVN (North Vietnamese) and NLF (Viet Cong) forces were to withdraw from Cambodian soil within 72 hours or face military action.[9]

Lon Nol initially refused to countenance Sihanouk being deposed as Head of State; to force his hand, Sirik Matak played him a tape-recorded press conference from Paris, in which Sihanouk blamed them for the unrest and threatened to execute them both on his return to Phnom Penh.[10] However, the Prime Minister remained uncertain as to whether to instigate a vote in the National Assembly. On the night of 17 March, Sirik Matak, accompanied by three army officers, went to the Prime Ministers’s residence and compelled a weeping Lon Nol to sign the necessary documents at gunpoint.[11]

A vote was taken in the National Assembly on 18 March in which Sihanouk was stripped of his power. Lon Nol assumed the powers of the Head of State on an emergency basis. On 28 and 29 March there were large-scale popular demonstrations in favour of Sihanouk in several provincial cities, but Lon Nol’s forces suppressed them, causing several hundred deaths.[12] The Khmer Republic was formally declared that October, and Sihanouk – who had formed a government-in-exile, the GRUNK, incorporating the Khmer Rouge communists – was condemned to death in absentia. In the meantime, the Cambodian Campaign of April 1970, in which US and South Vietnamese forces entered Cambodian territory in pursuit of North Vietnamese and Viet Cong troops, had irrevocably involved Lon Nol’s regime in the Second Indochina War.

Lon Nol became the first and only President of Cambodia in 1970. Akkek Sena Tekka Kong Tok Lon Nol or Lok Sena Bra Mok Lon Nol (President Lon Nol)

 The Khmer Republic and the Civil War

Flag of the Khmer Republic.

For more details on this topic, see Cambodian Civil War.

The Khmer Republic (1970–1975) was founded in order to do away with Cambodia’s widespread corruption and to restore Cambodia’s sovereignty in its eastern regions, occupied by Vietnamese communist insurgents as a result of Sihanouk’s “neutrality” policies. Despite its high aims, the republic proved disastrous both militarily and politically. Lon Nol’s health started to decline after he suffered a stroke in February 1971. His rule became increasingly erratic and authoritarian: he appointed himself Marshal (a title previously unknown in Cambodia) in April 1971, and in October suspended the National Assembly, stating he would “no longer play the game of democracy”. Backed by his forceful, ambitious younger brother Lon Non, Nol succeeded in reducing the influence of Sirik Matak, In Tam and the other coup leaders. He also insisted on directing many of the Khmer National Armed Forces (French: Forces Armées Nationales Khmères – FANK) operations personally.

In time Lon Nol’s regime became completely dependent upon large quantities of American aid that towards the end were not backed by the political and military resolve needed to effectively help the beleaguered republic.[13] By 1975, the government was eventually reduced to holding little more than Phnom Penh. The FANK had run out of ammunition. Lon Nol was increasingly dependent on the advice of soothsayers and Buddhist mystics: at one point during a Khmer Rouge assault on Phnom Penh, he sprinkled a circular line of consecrated sand in order to defend the city. Finally, on April 1, 1975, he resigned and fled the country into exile, as the Khmer Rouge had vowed to execute him.


The first priority of the Khmer Rouge after conquering Cambodia and overthrowing the Khmer Republic was to execute all its leaders and high officials without delay,[13] a fate that Lon Nol escaped.

Lon Nol fled from Cambodia to Indonesia and then to the United States; first settling in Hawaii and in 1979 in Fullerton, California. He died on November 17, 1985.

 Political views

Despite his actions in deposing Sihanouk, Nol was a firm believer in traditional Cambodian hierarchy: after Sihanouk had been removed he prostrated himself at the Queen Mother‘s feet in order to ask forgiveness.[14] He termed his ideology, a blend of chauvinist nationalism and mysticsm, as ‘Neo-Khmerism’: he expressed an ambition of reuniting the ethnic Khmers of Cambodia with the Khmer Krom of the Mekong Delta and the Khmer Surin of Thailand, projecting a state of “thirty million” Khmers by the year 2020.[15] Asking his followers to embrace the traditions of what he referred to as Mon-Khmer ‘holy warriors’ (yuthesel), he also encouraged them to refer to him as their “Black Papa”, a name referring to the dark skin considered to be the sign of an ‘authentic’ Khmer


Sisowath Sirik Matak

Sisowath Sirik Matak
Prince of Cambodia
Spouse Mechas Norodom Kethneari
3 sons, 3 daughters
Full name
Rajavong Sisowath Sirik Matak
House House of Sisowath
Father Sisowath Rottari
Mother Troeung Yoeum
Born 22 January 1914(1914-01-22)
Phnom Penh, Cambodia
Died 21 April 1975(1975-04-21) (aged 61)
Phnom Penh, Cambodia
Religion Buddhist

Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak (January 22, 1914 — April 21, 1975) was a member of the Cambodian royal family, the Varman dynasty.

Sirik Matak was mainly notable for his involvement in Cambodian politics, particularly for his involvement in the 1970 right-wing coup against his cousin, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, and for his subsequent establishment, along with Lon Nol, of the Khmer Republic.



Involvement in Politics in Cambodia

Sirik Matak was born in Phnom Penh, and was a member of the Sisowath branch of the Varman Dynasty, being the great-grandson of Sisowath of Cambodia. He was recruited into the colonial civil service in 1930.

Under the colonial French-imposed constitution, any member of the Norodom or Sisowath branches of the family could be selected as king, and Sirik Matak was therefore one of the possible contenders to the Cambodian throne. In 1941, after the death of King Sisowath Monivong, the French authorities selected Sirik Matak’s cousin Norodom Sihanouk to be King, believing him to be relatively pliant. Sihanouk later accused Sirik Matak of harbouring a deep resentment against him, stating that he “hated me from childhood days because he thought his uncle, Prince Sisowath Monireth, should have been placed on the throne instead of myself. He even had a notion that he himself should have been chosen”.[1]

After the Second World War, Sirik Matak became increasingly involved in Cambodian politics. As a part of the right-wing Khmer Renovation party headed by Lon Nol, he took part in the National Assembly elections in 1947, though the party failed to win any seats.[2] Sihanouk, then acting as Prime Minister, placed him in charge of defence in 1952,[3] formally appointing him Minister of Defence in the interim government set up after independence in 1954; Sihanouk’s Sangkum movement absorbed the Khmer Renovation Party prior to the Sangkum victory in the 1955 elections.

Despite the incorporation of much of the right-wing opposition into the Sangkum, Sirik Matak remained an implacable opponent of Sihanouk, and especially of the latter’s toleration of North Vietnamese activity within Cambodia’s borders. Throughout the 1960s, Sihanouk attempted to minimize Sirik Matak’s leverage on domestic politics by successively appointing him as Ambassador to China, the Philippines, and Japan.

Cambodian coup of 1970

The three men behind the coup of 1970. From left to right, Sirik Matak, Lon Nol, and In Tam.

Sirik Matak’s power increased substantially after Lon Nol became Prime Minister in August 1969. Appointed Lon Nol’s deputy, he proceeded to organise a series of economic denationalisation and deregulation measures in opposition to Sihanouk’s previous policy of state control of import and export, banking, and production of pharmaceuticals and alcohol.[4] Sirik Matak even visited Hanoi secretly to find out what could be done to remove Vietnamese troops from Cambodian soil. He was infuriated when he was shown documents signed by Sihanouk agreeing to the establishment of Vietnamese bases and the transport of Vietnamese supplies through Cambodian ports.[5] On March 12, 1970, while Sihanouk was on a trip abroad, Sirik Matak canceled Sihanouk’s trade agreements and Lon Nol demanded that all North Vietnamese and NLF troops leave Cambodia by dawn on March 15 (the deadline passed without any response from the Vietnamese).[6] On March 18, Sirik Matak assisted Lon Nol in organising a vote of the National Assembly to depose Sihanouk as head of state. The pretext was given by a series of anti-Vietnamese riots – likely encouraged by the Prime Minister and his deputy – in front of the North Vietnamese embassy. Foreign media subsequently suggested that Sirik Matak, who continued as Lon Nol’s deputy in the new government, was the real organisational force behind the coup;[7] it was claimed that in order to finally convince Lon Nol, Sirik Matak had played him a tape-recorded press conference from Paris, in which Sihanouk threatened to execute them both on his return to Phnom Penh.[8] It was even reported that Sirik Matak compelled Lon Nol at gunpoint to commit to deposing Sihanouk.[9]

Sihanouk also assumed his cousin to be the main force behind the coup, claiming that Sirik Matak (backed by the CIA, and in contact with long-time Sihanouk opponent Son Ngoc Thanh) had already suggested the plan to Lon Nol as early as 1969.[10] Sihanouk’s suspicions seem to have rooted in fact: Prom Thos, one of Lon Nol’s ministers, later told the historian Ben Kiernan that in around March 1969 Sirik Matak had argued that Sihanouk should be assassinated, Lon Nol rejecting the plan as “criminal insanity”.[11]

With the declaration of the Khmer Republic subsequent to the coup, Sirik Matak renounced his royal title, although he had initially planned in secret that his own son, or another member of the Sisowath family, possibly his son-in-law Prince Sisowath Duongchivin, should take the throne.[12]

Lon Nol’s regime was behind the massacre of thousands of ethnic Vietnamese residents in the period immediately after the takeover[citation needed]. There is evidence that Sirik Matak may have privately made efforts to halt these killings[citation needed].

In the government of the Khmer Republic

For the first year of the Republic, during which Lon Nol was often in poor health, Sirik Matak – as acting Premier – retained the most prominent role in the government. It had an overtly military character, Sirik Matak usually appearing in his full uniform as a Major-General and carrying a swagger stick.[13] Whereas Lon Nol was particularly popular amongst anti-Sihanouk students in Cambodian cities, Sirik Matak had the support of the Westernised urban ‘elite’; rural Cambodians remained overwhelmingly pro-Sihanouk.[14] Sirik Matak also had relatively little personal support within the Cambodian political establishment; his power was gradually undermined by the Prime Minister’s brother, Lon Non, and he resigned in 1972 after the latter had organised a series of demonstrations against him.[15] Despite pressure from the United States, who were strong supporters of Sirik Matak, Lon Nol kept him under effective house arrest, and he became an increasingly vocal critic of the Khmer Republic regime.

By April 1973, Lon Nol had been compelled to remove Lon Non and suspended the National Assembly, appointing a “High Political Council” composed of himself, Sirik Matak, Cheng Heng and In Tam.[16] Privately, however, Sirik Matak stated that under the circumstances it would be preferable to allow Sihanouk to return, due to his levels of popular support, stating “if the people wanted him, I would accept”. On being informed of this, an enraged Sihanouk called Sirik Matak “one of the worst reactionaries and traitors of the history of Cambodia […] we are going to hang him, quite simply hang him, hang him”.[17]

 The fall of Phnom Penh

The Khmer Rouge communists initiated their dry-season offensive to capture the beleaguered Cambodian capital on January 1, 1975. On April 1, 1975, President Lon Nol resigned and fled the country into exile in Hawaii; the Khmer Rouge had published a ‘death list’ with his name at the top, and their forces had now surrounded the capital.

On April 12, 1975, United States’s Ambassador to Cambodia John Gunther Dean, offered high officials of the Khmer Republic political asylum in the United States, but Sirik Matak, Long Boret and Lon Non, along with other members of Lon Nol’s cabinet, declined – despite the names of Boret and Sirik Matak being published by the Khmer Rouge in a list of “Seven Traitors” marked down for execution.[18] Sirik Matak’s written response to the ambassador stated:

“I thank you very sincerely for your letter and for your offer to transport me towards freedom. I cannot, alas, leave in such a cowardly fashion. As for you and in particular for your great country, I never believed for a moment that you would have this sentiment of abandoning a people which has chosen liberty. You have refused us your protection and we can do nothing about it. You leave us and it is my wish that you and your country will find happiness under the sky. But mark it well that, if I shall die here on the spot and in my country that I love, it is too bad because we are all born and must die one day. I have only committed the mistake of believing in you, the Americans. Please accept, Excellency, my dear friend, my faithful and friendly sentiments. Prince Sirik Matak.[1].[19]

The letter was reproduced and added to the book Autrefois, Maison Privée.

Shortly after the official surrender of the Lon Nol government to the Khmer Rouge was announced, Sirik Matak sought refuge at the Hotel Le Phnom, where the International Red Cross was attempting to create a safe zone. He was turned away once the Red Cross learned that his name was on the list of “Seven Traitors”. Outside the hotel, Sirik Matak talked to reporters and distributed copies of his letter to Ambassador Dean.[20] Bizot reported that Sirik Matak sought political asylum at the French Embassy and that the Khmer Rouge threatened to come into the compound and remove certain individuals by force if they did not go voluntarily. Accompanied by the French Vice-Consul Jean Dyrac and journalist Jon Swain,[21] Bizot took responsibility for informing Sirik Matak that he was to be handed over to the Khmer Rouge.[22] Sirik Matak and the officials that remained along with him were likely executed by the Khmer Rouge on April 21, 1975.

The exact details of his death are unclear, but Sihanouk received confirmation that Sirik Matak, along with Long Boret, had been summarily executed by firing squad at the Phnom Penh Cercle Sportif on April 21; other reports state he was beheaded.[23] Henry Kissinger and others, however, note a report that Sirik Matak was shot in the stomach and left without medical aid to die over three days.[24]

Sirik Matak was married to Princess Norodom Kethneari; his son Prince Sisowath Sirirath (1946-) is currently one of the leaders of the royalist FUNCINPEC political party.


  • “I understand America’s attitude of not wanting to interfere in our internal affairs. But if the United States continues to support such a regime, we will fall to the Communists. You give help to a people that wants to live freely. But when you support a regime that is not supported by the people, you help the Communists.[25]
  • “Man is born to die. I will not move. I shall stay here and face everything that happens. They can arrest me. If they kill me, what of it? I stay for my country.[26]
  • “I don’t doubt that you’ll lead our unhappy country unswervingly straight to catastrophe. Suspend everything from your stars, they’ll end up by breaking down, and the sky, collapsing on you, old scarecrow, will bury Cambodia along with its dictator! I’ll no longer lend my name to your repugnant nation: I resign.[27]

the end @ copyright Dr Iwan Suwandy 2011

The Diem South vietnam War 1955-1962












The Driwan’s  Cybermuseum


(Museum Duniamaya Dr Iwan)

Showroom :

The Diem South Vietnam War 1955-1962

DIEM REGIME (1955-1957)


1) October    1954

(1)October ,23th 1954


(a)The  President Eisenhower’s latter  to Diem :


Dear Mr President,


I have been following with great interest the course of developments in Viet-Nam , particularly since the conclusion of the conference at Geneva.


The implications of the agreement concerning Viet-Nam have caused grave concern regarding the future of a country temporanly divided by an artificial military grouping, weakened  by a long and exhausting war and faced with enemies without and by their subversive collaborators within.


You recent request for and to assist in the formidable project of the movement of several hundred thousand loyal Vietnamese citizen away from areas which are passing under a de facto rule and political ideology which they abhor, are being fulfilled .I am glad this humanitarian effort


We have been exploring ways and means to permit our aid to Viet-Nam to be more effective and to make a greater contribution to the welfare and stability of the Government of Viet-Nam.

I am,accordingly, instructing the American Ambassador to Viet-Na,m to examine with you in your capacity as chief of government how an intelligent program of American aid given directly to your Government canserve to assist Viet-Nam in its present hour of trial , provided that your Government is preparedto give assurances as to the standars of performance it would be able t main tain the event such aid were supplied.


The purpose of this offer in tp assist the Government of Viet-Nam in developed and maintaining a strong, viable state, capable of resisting attempted subversion or aggresion through military means .


The Government  of United States expects that their aid will be met by performance on the part the Government of Viet-Nam in undertaking needed reforms.It hopes that such aid, combined with your own continuing efforts, will contribute effectively toward an independent Viet-Nam endowed with a strong government.


Such a government would, I hope, be so responsive to the nationalist aspiration of its people, so enlightened in purpose and effective in performance, that it will be respected both at home and abroad and discourage any who might to impose a foreign idelogy on your free people.




Dwight D. Eisenhower.


(source : Modern History Sourcebook)

(b)The Photograph of President of South Vietnam  Ngo Dih Diem with President USA Eisenhowrer at Whasington National Airport.


b. The First year of Diem regime-1955

1)Jan 1955


(1)United States begin to funnel aid directly to Saigon government, agree to Train South Vietnamese Army

(Some postal history collections have found as the Military Free stamp and Milirary stamp ‘s Covers were  send from The National Military Accademy at Dalat ,Military training school at Nha Trang  (Dong De), Cam Rahn Naval Training Center and 25th Infantry Training Divison at Binh Thuan,  in South Vietnam. The unique collection will discuss in The Vietnam Liberation war in the next page-auth) (D)

 (2) The Binh Xuyen, a gang of guns were hired by The cao dai, Hoa Hao etc- they would serve the Vietminh and other factions –and even Police to manage bordells,casinos and opium den since 1945,  were eleminated by Ngo Dinh diem in 1955.

2)February 1955


     (1) February,2th,1955

     The recieved of Rayon Ford Car’s repaired station Saigon  with the earliest used rare Vietnam Thue Coniem brown revenue 0$50 .

 “Nghan do phu tung (Rayon Pieces Detachees) Ford” Saigon 1.2.1955 for  Charger  two charger of car EOA 1130 = 224 $ + Cahes 3$96 total 232$96, revenue 0$60 total 233$56, 

        (Best collection for showed-auth)

3)March 1955


(1)March.4th 1955

     After a conference with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles , President Magsaysay expressed himself in favor of extending Philippine recognation to South Vietnam.



4) April 1955

 (1)Diem crust the Binh Xuyen sect

at the period end of French forces and their Vietnam auxillaries to deploy  to South, and for Vietminh troops to regroup in the North.


5) -6) no info

7) July 1955

(1)July.11th 1955


(a)The man of action formally extended Phillipine recognation in a diplomatic note addressd to Ngo Dinh Diem and hand-carried to saigon by Col.Jose Banzon,Phillipine observer in South Vietnam.(ibid,constantino,1969) 


(b)The late used revenue of  Etat du Vietnam  thieu phieu con niem 60 cent, Facture of Ba Quan montres-lignettes-Stylos Saigon, paid the meuble 312$60. with red squered stampedGarantie & Mois- Sauf Cases.” And red round stamped “ Ban Quan horlogerie-97 Boulevard Charner- Saigon.”


(2)July.16th 1955

Diem reject the Geneva accords and refuses to participate in nation wide election, a decision backed by the United States

(3) July 22th 1955

Phillipine’s Senator Recto built up a formidable indictment of American imperialism and its puppet ,Diem

He proceeded to prove the following contentions :


(a)”That  South Vietnam is neither independent nor possessed of the attributes of sovereignity; that is destinies are being shaped by foreign powers; that the Diem regime is South Vietnam is despotic oligarchy that administers the affairs of the state not only by a civil war but by the rivalies and quarrels of tw foriegn nations fighting there for supremacy and peddling their respective brands of Western colonialism”


(b) “For us tu urge, even if indirectly, the South Vietnamese to support Diem’s regime in preference to any other regime for South Vietnam, is downright officiousness, an unfriendly act to the people of South Vietnam , and an undue interference in their country’s internal affairs”


(c)” To speak of Diem’s success in resisting both colonialism and communism is to indulge in fiction.

True, Diem is anti-French, but on the other hand , he is helping implant in South Vietnam another form of Westren colonialsm, more prfitable for the colonials perhaps because of prospects of bitter standars of living, civil liberties and political right, but, for that very same reason, more dangerous in its subtlety for the age-long nationalist aspirations of the Vietnamese people.

In other words, Diem made his choice not between nationalism, but between two forms of colonialism.

Among those who took the culgels for Diem were then Undersecretary of foreign Affairs Raul Manglapus and Senator Palaez. In a speech at the University of the Phillipines,Manglapus claimed that Premier Ngo Dinh Diem enjoyed “ general, enthusiactic and overhelming suppot from the Vietnam-ese people”

Pelaez defended Magsaysay’s decision by saying that overhelming public opinion was in favoue of recognation. Lauding Diem as the best man to lead Vietnam to became as independent and free republic. Palaez declared that he had not heard a single Vietnamese complain against the Diem regime. Recto retorted “That ‘s the trouble with you, you read only American papers’

(ibid ,constantino,1969)

8) August 1955

Not yet information.


9) September 1955

     Not yet information

10) October 1955

(1) October.23th 1955

Diem defeats Bao dai in a referen-dum .

(2)October,26th. 1955

(a)Diem become chief of state,proclaims the Republic of Vietnam, with himself as President.

(b) Three days after Senator Recto attack on Magsaysay for the recog-nition of Ngo Dinh Diem’s regime, which according to him  had been done in obedience to American dictates, Recto added more fule to the fire with another charge. He disclosed that Magsaysay had recieved $ 250.000 from Americans for his 1953 campaign fund.

       The information had appeared in the November 23.1953, issue of Time Magazine. Recto further revealed that American Military officials assigned here ruting the presidential elections had been posted in strategic parts of the country.

       (The complete RectoVS Magsaysay will put on another book “Phillipine unique collections” and the Recto comment about Ngo Dinh Diem were the rare information-auth)


(c) The  Landing Ship transportation (LST)of Phillipine Navy were sent later to Vietnam used as transportation at Nha Trang  with code number HQ 506( I have the postal covers bring by this ship(PH), Cam  ranh(HQ 500), and Thi Nai (HQ 502), also  another type ship like  High Endurance Cutter(WHEC) at Tran Quang Khai –HQ 2,I haved the postal cover brought by this ship, Tran Nhat Duat –HQ 3 , Destroyer escort Radar Picket (DER) at Tran Hung Dao-HQ 1, LSSL-long Ship Support large at Doan Ngoc Tang-HQ 228, Luu Phu Tho-HQ 229, Nguyen Ngoc Long-HQ 230, Nguyen Duc Bong-HQ 231 , LSIL-long ship Infantry large at Thien Kich –HQ 329, Loi Chong –HQ 330. best armed Forces postalhistory of this transpor-tation ship will more interesting with the ship’s photo, I have one photo of LST  at Nathrang, six natives Vietnamese women with their traditional cap just out from LST to the beach HQ 505.(P) 



(3) 1955

(a)The small Book’s Covers with red native vietnamese ‘s Picture illustrationCa Ve Cu Sau(Sing the pigeon the tettix evened ?), Quyen Thu Bon(Right casing bowl autumnal ?) 1955”, Muc Luc Hieu Tu, Nu tac and Nich ai vong an, and at the back cover propaganda “Hieu Phuc-Hai “Durong Xom Dao. Cuoi Nha Tho Moi Phu nhuan –saigon, Chuyen Ban Anh,Tuong Va Cac Do Tho, Dai Ly Sach, Bao Cong-Giao Theng Viet and Giay Vo Ho-Sinh Dunc-Cu Van-Phong Gia (price) 7 Dong.(OD)

This cover used as the cover of handwritten’s praying :” Kinh cau cho mau an giac

Chung toi kinh lay @.C.G, kia giac gom hge,cac dan cac mioc luan chuyen cuan phong,lam cho long chung toi tham nao, con mot chon trai tim chua la noi an anh ma thoi, thi chung toi xin chay vao do.

Lay Chua la Chua nhon uc, chung toi khoc loc than van, xin Chua thuong cho an tai ach, Lau Chua.

La vua bang an,cui dau cau khan, xin Chua Cho dang thai binh.

Trai Tin Chua da loa ngon lua men yen, Lam cho the gian chua hem khieh,de mot yue men nhau luon.

Xua chua con o doi, Trai Tim Chua da thon thuc thuong dan khon cuc, xin Trai Tim Chua dong tinh thuong xot gio nay, day su ghen ghet doc ac; xin Chua thuong xot muon van nguon me othang buc tuc boi hoi, so cho con noi chinh chien.

Xin Chua thuong xot tramngan gia that mo coi chang con ai chu truong,xin Chua thuong xot ca2 the gian keo lam hai lo; xinchua soi long vung tuong cung kgap het nguoi doi dang ohuc tinh tu hau;.

Mau thanh Chua da do. Ra ruoi thien ha cho nen con mot nha;xin Chua giai thu ke nghich dang phan re cac dan cho moi nguoi yen nhan hoa hiep.

Xua thanh Pheri keu cung Chua rang :Lay Chua, xin cuuu  chung toi cho khoi chet chim,  thi Chua thuong dep an song bien, nay xin Chua nham loi chung toi cau nguyen mia tha toi nhon dan, cho ban the giai xon xao dang on binh tinh.

Chung toi cung lay Duc Me dong trinh rat thanh.

Me da cun cap chung toi ghe phen khon buc, xin Me cuu giup phu ho bau chua chung toi.Amen.(OD) 

( What the meaning of ca ve cu sau ? please comment and tranlate the handwritten “Kinh cao cho mau an giac “-auth)


(b) The best of Nguyen Bao Tung Phillatelic ’s colection  contains stamps from the Government led by the late President Ngo-Dinh-diem from 1955 to 1963 and he had the covers with Diem signed and official sealed stamped




11) November 1955

(1)The original vintage photo of the Vietnamese’s soldier party at the restaurant “Nghi Xuan

The soldier with civil complete dress, and two flag there, Vietnam Cong Hoa ‘s yelow three green strip and the military AVRN flag ,s one bigger star.

     “Buoi tiec dtai chien si Hoang Dieu tai nha hang Nghi Xuan

( best flag thematic photo’s  collec-tions, auth)

12) December 1955


(1)     December ,9th.1955

The two original vintage black-white photos of a Vietnamese traveler’s group  to  an ancient building

“ Cuoc du lich o Nam-vian na De Thien De Thu trong 3 ngay 9-10-11 Decembre 1955.”

(Please someone translate, where Thien De Thu trong 3 ? auth)


(2)     December,11th 1955

The Refugee on raff stamps were issued in this day , very rare in mint never hinged stamps. 30 and 100 piastres.(the used stamps were found in Indonesia, the mint not yet found, I have seen in HCM city-auth)






c.Diem’s Regime in1956


1) January 1956


(1)in 1955 and 1956,

(a) Thousand of Vietnamese “traitors” , French Sympathiser and “Landlord’ including many pheasant , were killed by the communist in the North.

The entire populations of Catholic villages fled from the North , and altogether  nearly a million refugees headed south when the Nortth Vietnam established.     

(b)Diem began crackdawn on Vietminh suspect s and other dissidents(D)  

2) February –4)April 1956

     Not yet info

5) May 1956

(1)May.10th 1956

The very rare  Ten Li Vi Phi Bang thue viet 5$ regional revenue with anxient Building, on Chung Thu Thay Giay Khai Sanh sertificate, square box black stamped LIEN –XA HOA-THAI.Lam tai Choi Duong Lien xa 10.5.1956.

The complete Khai Sinh form :




Quoc –Gia Viet-Nam                               Chung Thu Thay Giay


         ==ooo===                                             KHAI  SINH


Lang  Thun Doang Son va dtoi choi

Quan  Yifoa  Vang

Tinh     Quan Nam


Ten ho dua con :  Nguyen Nhan

Trai hay gai        :  Trai

Sinh cho na’e     :  Thon Duong Son Xa hoa chai quan Hoa Vang

Sinh ngay nao    :   Nam 1908 Ngay 16 thang 3

Vung moi Sau thong Ba Nan mot ngau Chin trai le Tam.

Ten Ho Cha         : Nguyen Khue

Nha ciro o’ dau  :  thon duong Son xa Hoa theu quan Hoa vang

Ngep-ngep         :  lam Nong

Ten ho me           :  Dang thi Sifaul

Vo chanh hay thu:  Vo Chanh

Ten ho nguoi khai:  Nguyen Khue

May Toi                 : Sot tam Nuoi tuoi

Ngep-ngep          :  Lam Nong

Nha cua o’ dau   :  Thon Duong Son Xa hoa chai quan Hoa vang

Ten ho nguoi chung thu nhat : Nguyen quan(50t) Nam muoi toi

Tuo,ngep-ngep ,noi o’; thay thuoi Thoi LUONG soi,pa dtoi thai

Ten ho nguoi chung thu’ ba : Nguyen Dui Ngu(60 t) sau muoi tuoi

Tuoi,nge-nghiep ,noi o: Lam Nong thoi Duong Lon Xa Hoa thai

quan Hoi vong.


               Lam tai  Thoi Duong son xa ,ngay 10 thang 5 nam 1956.

NGU’OI KHAI             Do’ng Hu’ong-Chinh Xa  Hoa Thoi

Nguyen Khue                 squered stamped “ Thih-Quang Nam-

Quan –Hoa-vang-Hoi Dong Huong

Chinh –Lien Xa-HOA-THAI

Nhung nguoi Chung       Nhan thiet chu ky cua Hoi-Dong Huong

Chinh Xa Hoa Thai

                                          Hoa Vang ngay 11 thang 5 nam 1956

                                                     TINH TRUONG

                                            Signed and red circle stamped



(the very rare regional revenue from Lien Xa, where the location ? please comment-auth)

4) June 1956 no info

5) July 1956


(1)Diem refused to participate in the Vietnam elections  scheduled for July 1956 under the Geneva Agrrement.

6) August 1956


(1)             Nuoi Ngot 1956

The original vintage photo of the vietnamese lady in the beach of Nuoi Ngot.


(2)             Long Hai 1956

The original vintage photo of the Vietnamese lady in the front of the traditional house at Long hai.

7) September 1956

(1) September,17th 1956

The  Admission’s card of Franch –Vietnamese University at President TINH street Saigon.




   14 Rue President Tinh                           PHOTO



M     Do Thin Muoi

Est admis aux Cource de:

  1. Vietnamienen 1 degre A 30
  2. Francais A 66  Age……………………………………………….
  3. Anglais debut A 40   profession ……………………………
  4. ………………………………………………………………………….. 

Saigon ,le 17-9 1956            Adresse………………………….

      Le Directeur                               Le Titulaire

     Hansigned                             Handsigned


10) October 1956


(1)  October,5th.1956

     Certificate De Garantie (SAUF CASSE), Object garanti :”une Monntie brachet pour homme De marque “Printania” i’t rubris” Duree de la garanti : denc ano rarf cassa , handsign and red stamped by “Le Directeur de la Maison BAQUAN

In the back , rare ephemera vintage handwatch Pronto automatic ,”Ban va Su’a” and Montresz-Stylos , BAQUAN, 97 Boulevard Charner tel.No 2.414 SAIGON (OD)


(2) In the South Vietnam, the locally printed vietnamese notes were issued, altough thei design and marks were different fron Northern area (The Central Government’s notes) and  their signatures came from “The Chairman of the southern Part’s Resistance Commitee “(Vietnam Dan Chu Cong Hoa), who represented teh Minister of Finaces and the Director Of Southern Part’s Treasury acting as representaive for the Director General of National Treasury.


8) November 1956 no info

9) December 1956

(1) December 7th 1956

The rare  earliest Regional taxes Saigon Cholon revenue, on Health certificate. Sign By  the Chief beraue archive signe Guiges , and sign legalized  7-12-52  with red cross Bac-Si-Nguyen red stamped.

 (Rare health record document with regional saigon cholon 10$00 yellow revenue, because this revenue from 1960 every years was overprint with year to 1975, and unoverprint on piece difficult to find, only three found another  29.4.1957 and 16.3.1959-auth)


 4.3.2 DIEM REGIME   WAR 1957-1963





a) IBID Stanley Karnow & Nguyen  Ngoc Vy

The South vietnamese Communist  ,the Vietcong, began organising in the countryside in 1957 , planning the assasination of Diem’s village headmen and official. But Ho Chi-minh was still holding back.

Diem’s authoritarian rule, his rustlessness and his corruption aroused opposition not only among peasants but among all those groups excluded from power and from a share in the loot.

The Vietcong assasinations soon made themselves felt, exciting deep unease throuhout the country.

Murder of government officials increase from 1200 in 1959 to 4000 a year by 1961.

Diem’s response was to drive the peasant into foryified hamlets, but this proved both ineffective and couter-productive , alienating the peasantry, who objected to being placed under military commanders and were any-way caught between Diem’s reprisals during the day and the Vietcong at night.

The US administration failed to appreciate that the Vietcong were not lackey of the communists in the North but were an expanding and powerfully organisd army of south Vietnam engaged  in a guerrila civil war.

Clearly South Vietnam stability was deteriorating , though Diem was still in control of the cities and much of the countryside of South Vietnam.

That was most unwelcome to the Americans, since the communist regions of the country bordered on North and South Vietnam and so acted as a passage for suplies and men along the maze of Jungle trails as the Ho Chi-minh trail, by which it took two months to reach the South from the North.

This sparsely populated country of some 2,5 million bordered not only on North and south Vietnam , but also on China,Burma, Thailand and Cambodia, and so was a potential cockpit of struggle between more powerful neighbour.

SEATO , “the South –east Asian collec-tive defence treaty”, organised by Dulles in September 1954, onlike NATO had no standing Armies, nor had its signatories promised military support in each other. So,although it as extended to cover the defence of Cambodian  and South Vietnam, it provided no guarantees of help and proved of limited value when the United States did appeal for Military assistance.

The Eisenhower administration also sent military advisers to South Vietnam and to Laos, yet the Laotian Royal Army never became an effective fighting force capable of dealing with the guerilla tactics of the Pathet Lao.

The influx of American and dollars, more, corrupted and undermined the South Vietnamese and the Laotians.

American advisers, in anycase , suffered from one disability  they couldnot overcome : they were foreigners white oustsiders.   

The Vietcong , for all the violence and disorders they bought to their fellow countrymen , were their own people.

An enormous amout of financial aid was poured into South-east Asia ; most of it went to the military or lined the pockets of corrupt officials.

What the pattern of military aid reveal are the priorities of the United States in South-east Asia from mid-1950s to the mid-1960s. By far the largest amount of aid as calculated  per head of population was sent to Laos and south Vietnam during the decade from 1955 to 1963, about half that amount per head went to cambodia and the Phillipines.

Eisenhower was committing technical,financial and military ait to enable the anti-communist forces in South-east Asiato defend themselves against the communist. But he was opposed to using US military forces on the Asian mainland ( except in South Korea). The mighty US Seven Fleet with its nuclear weapons was close by. What if the nuclear threat did not deter the Vietminh, while supplies continued to reach them from China and the Soviet Union ? What if, despite US ait, the anti-communist groups were too weak to resist effectively? That dilemma Eisenhower bequethed to his successors,

In November 1960 the Democratic Senator from Massachusets J.F.Kennedy won the US preidential election.

Indochina lay at the heart of the “Unfinished bussiness” left over from the Eisenhower administration and the issued came to the boil within the fitst sixth months of 1961. A speech by Khrushchev on 6 January 1961, declaring that the Soviet Union would support waht he called “National liberation movement” in the under-developed countries (including South Vietnam-auth)

April 1961 was a critical month for the White House . Vietnam became the focus of crisis management.

Kennedy order  a review of what military,political and economic action-overt and covert- it would be necessary for the United States to undertake to prevent the communist domination of South Vietnam.

There was wild talk by the military of air strikes against North Vietnam and Southern China.

Although Kennedy frequently showed a better sense of propotion than smoke of his advisers about the dangers of escalation following the despatch of US troops, he never departed from his policy of increasing the US Commitment as much as he judge necessary to defeat Viet cong.

First and fore most it was ignorance, a failure to understand the true nature of  the conflict in Vietnam, reducing it to the simple formula that it was part of the worldwide struggle berween the free and the communist.

But it was not a war arising simply out of communist aggression from North Vietnam . The Vietcong were a south Vietnamese force, the expression of political opposition and disaffection with the ruler of South Vietnam.

It was this misreading of the situation that underlay the US decision to intervene on a massive scale,

The belief that superior technology, the bombardement from the air, coul break the will and capacity to fight of the North Vietnamese and the Viercong caused heavy loss of life and terrible destruction, but in the end was in effective.

Nor could the ground forces defeat ab enemy prepared to naswer escalation with escalation.

The military experts were wrong in their optimistic assements and once more President Johnson had engaged America prestige he found it impossible to pull out and to admit defeat.

But meanwhile that war had been Americanised abd, after Tet, the propping up of an unviable South Vietbamese gevrnment became increasingly problematical.

The US had been sucked into a civil war and faced a determined and rushless enemy. Attrition in the end broke the American will to continue fighting in a country thousands of miles away and for a cause that could not be won.


b).AIR WAR IN VIETNAM (Above and Beyond,vol.4,New Horizon Publizher Inc.Chicago,1968)

     Airpower has been the critical element in US military operations in Vietnam.

Massive,unprecedented use of airpower has provided important advantages fro US troops that no conventional army ever enjoyed in a large-scale war against well-organized guerilla forces.

 ( This book have written before the fall of Saigon, that is way the writter and US armed forces still have the arogan to win because they don’t understand the Vietcong and vietminh people powers and in the Iraq war the used most modern aircraft and  startegic attack especially the bunkers, read another book “The unique Iraq War’s docu-ment and postal history collection”-auth)

     The main advantages of modern airpower are completely new levels of mobility and firepower, Helicopter, employed by hubdreds, have brought the new mobility to  ground operations. Most US infantry in Vietnam move into position for its sweeps and assaults by helicopter, which is more than ten times faster than any ground trasportation, high speed move,ment of large forces gives US commandrs a much greater opportunity for suprissing the guerillas than was possible in the past.

          More important, in the fact that moving primarly in the air, instead of by road,largely robs the guerrilla of the opportunity for ambush.

          Aerial firepowe, unprecendented in the swiftness, had been turned against the Viet cong and the North Vietnamese(Vietminh-auth) army in South Vietnam.

          Attack aircraft are spread throughot South Vietnam in such numbers that they usually can respond to any call for help in less than 15 minutes and very often within five minutes.

          When the enemy does attempt an ambush of ground forces, or stage a suprise attack on a fortified village, strike fighters can almost immedietely bring tons of the heviest ordnavce down on the attackers.

          The ability to respond quickly, and massively to any assault has been a key factor in stopping the capture of isolated settlements by guerillas, and in keeping small friendly units from being overrun by larger Vietcong forces.

          Bombing by B-52 bombers, the most massive use of firepower in any guerillq war, has been a key US tactic because it deprives the Vietcong of its mountain and jungle sanctuaries.

          Guerilla armies traditionally have operated from a sanctuary in rough country where safe from attack and  could rest, train new troops, prepare their operations and treat their wounded.

          The B-52 raids have knocked out many of the large tunnel complexes in mountains and junges which served as major Viet Cong and Vietminh bases.

          Air supply also has been important in Vietnam. Daily movement of tons of food, ammunition, and fuel is needed to support helicopter-borne troops, and this supply movement is provided mostly by fixed-wing transports. These military air transports also provide what amounts to a scheduled airline service between the major towns of South Vietnams, carrying both and freight war’s 

(including postal, that is way every Vietnam covers were Airmails-auth) .

          The vital role of airpower is Vietnam is best illustrated by contrasting the US position in the late 1960’s with that of the french in the early 1950’s because  the French army had mobility and firepower as same as the guerilla vietminh, they don’t use aircraft helicopters. (very rare airmail potally covers during Vietminh war 1952-1955 aut)

          Most dramatic and important innovation of the Vietnamese war (Vietcong war-auth.) is the mass employment of helicopterss. For the US and South Vietnamese infantry , is often is called the “helicopter war”, for helicopters carry him into battle, provide part of his fire support, usually allmof his resuplly of ammunition and food, and then vacuare him in case he is wounded or when the operation is over.

          More than ten years (situation in 1968 when the information had written-auth),   were required to bring airmobile, helicopter-army from concept to reality.

          A small group of Army Generals, of which Lt.Gen. Hamilton H.Howze was one of the most persistent, fought for the new idea and by 1956 brought about the formation of experimental helicopter (air-cavalary) units at Fort Benning, Georgia technology strongly to the aid of this new concept in form of the long-range, reliable turbine-powered helicopter which appeared in the early 1960’s






b. Diem regime war collections.




a.)Diem vs Vietcong in 1957


1) Jan 1957


(1)Soviet Union, favoring a permanent division of the country , proposes that North and South Vietnam be admitted to United nations as separate states .(D)


(2)The Vietcong (South Vietnamese communist) began to organized at countryside in this year.


(3)January.2nd 1957

 The receipt of Car service station “  Nhanh do phu tung Ford-Cholon” 1800$00 and the earliest used the bigger Vietnam Cong-Hoa Con Niem revenue 3$00 and 0$60.

(The early republic of Vietnam -vietnam Cong Hua Con niem/revenue – was the histroric proof that  the  transition period between the Franch power to  Nationalist power in South Vietnam  had finish and thenationalist characters were begun –auth)


2) February 1957


(1)February.16th 1957

The earliest used of Etat du Vietnam Quoc Gia Con Niem 40 cents, on the receipt of car station”Ford” saigon, paid 147$64, RATE REVENUE 40 CENT.

3)March 1957

(1)March, 11th 1957

The original photo of vietnamese lady  at Long Hai.

(2)March,19th 1957

The rare Etat du Vietnam Quc-Gia Con Niem revenue 30 cents on the receipt of car statin”Ford” Saigon, paid 93$- ,revenue rate 0$20,

(Because the 20 cent revenue didn’t exist because too many used as the  postal ‘s porto ,  prevent against the law,  they used 30 cent.  DUE TO THIS SITUATION, the fiscal authoritiest must issued the emergency overprint 0$20 revenue to prevent the people paid more than the law order, look at another collection with that emergency revenue. –auth)

4) April 1957


     (1) April, 27 1957

     The Vo Giay Ban Nha  certificate, with Yellow Saigon Cholon Taxes Regional 10$00 revenue, the complete document :


(Chong) Toi ten la’ Do-van –Pho , so’ Kiem tra N.1706.A0053 cap tai Quan sau Ngay 13 thang 7 nam 1955.


(Vo) Toi ten la Nguyen le Nguyen-thi-kiem lan the kiem tra so 090069. 20 B .003751 cap tai quan Co Vap ngay 18 tahang 5 nam 1955,


        Vu  Chong toi ky ten duoi da’y , dong y’ ba’ng lo’ng

Ba’n cho o’ng Tran van-Rue, so keim tra 1703-31-A006414

Mocan nha so 509.8 duong truong Minh Giang noi dai cat tre dat chua cu Tay. Vo chong toi hien ngu tai so nha 183.A duong Yen-ro. Vo chong toi ky ten duoi day co nhan du so tien cua ong Tran-can-Ruo la’ 19.500$00 (MUOI CHIN NGAN TRAN DONG BAC)  de’ ban mot can nha so’ 309.B. Hai ben vach xay gach  va ngang la 3m/2 Be dai la 8 m thuoc ve quyen so huu cua ong Tran-van-ruo so tra du so tien mua can nha 309.B. cho chung toi roi. Khoi su ngay lam to giay nay. Tran –van-Ruo lam chu thiet tho gian nha noi tren, va pha tra tien dat, cho chu dat tuy theo ngieu 1 t  can nha so 30 ma tu tro di khong con quyen so huu cua chang toi moi.

        Hung toi bang long ban gian nha so 309.B. cho

        Tran van Ruo nan san nay co ad lam  ai tro ngai co o

Tran van Ruo thi chung toi xin chiu hoan toan trach nhie.


            Lam tai saigon ngay 29 thang 4 nam 1957               

Ong Do-van-pho                   Ba nguyen thi-kim


           Ban nay lap thanh hai ban, ban chanh ong Tran-Ruo giu de lam bang, con ben phu thi ong Do-van-Pho va ba Nguyen-thi –kim-lan giu.


                                                        On Tran-van-Ruo


Thi nhen chu ky ten tren tuy ta cuc

O’ So Van Pho cap

Nguyen thi Kim Lan

Saigon nge 30 thang 4 nam 1957

Truong Saigon-Cholon

Vuong-quan Nha

Blue double circle stampedVIET-NAM CONG-HOA* DO THAN S.C. TRUONG QUAN-RA*”



5) May 1957


(1)May.7th 1957

The receipt from Rayon pieces Detachees (nganh do phu tung) ford Sai Gon ,Car repaired 1978$.

  Very rare revenue “Vietnam overprint   0$20” with 3x 0$40  Vietnam Conghoa CON NIEM (THE EARLIEST USED),red ”PAYE” stamped


(2)May.8 th.1957


(a)The rare Etat du Viet-Nam Quc Gia Con Niem 2 piastres, on the receipt f car statin service “Ford” saigon for paid 994$00, with ravenue rate 2$00.

(The latest used the old franch currency piastres, and etat du Vietnam Quoc Gia very short time, and change to Vietnam Thue To and then Vieetnam Conghoa-auth)


(b) The Vuon-Gia-Can’s Pilot Identity card, signed at Saigon, in the back authetication violet double circle stamped “VIET-NAM CONG-HOA * DO-THANH S.C. QUAN-BA*”, on Yellow Saigon Cholon Taxes regional 10$00 revenue,the complete documen :




 216,Ru Dixmunde-Saigon

     46,Legrand de la Liraye-DAKAO



Certifie l’Authenticitie                  CARTE D’IDENTITE

   de la signature de            le Directeur de L’Ecole VUONG-         PHOTO

Monsieur VUONG-GIA-CAN   GIA-CAN soussigne pertifie

Opposee ci-controle               que le nomme Nguyen tu Sai

Saigon le 21.5.1957                   No M1e 157 ne le 3 Aout 1940

          Stamped                           a’ tan an Vinh Long

Tun Authentic Saigon-Cholon  fils d M,Nguyen van Tri

TRUONG QUAN-BA                     et de Mme Nguyen ngoc Hoa

                                                       Profession  pilote

SIGNED & VIOLET               domicile 30 Bui cheu Saigon  

DOUBLE RING CIRCLE STAMPED est bien eleve du ditetablisment.

“Vietnam Cong Hoa*Do thanh         Saigon, le 8-Mai 1957

S.C. TRUONG QUAN BA*”                           Le Directeur

Signed & Red double circle  stamped




( very rare Pilot ID with the bad official printed revenue,  but because the situation still used .

Later in 1960 the design still used but change from S.C or Saigon-Cholon province to Do-Thanh Saigon ,the new province’s name after assasination Diem.  Taxes regional ,Franch style  was changed to the vietnamese with same meaning   “Niem thue “ .

Due to the bad quality , on the  revenue were surcharged with the year from 1960 -1975 ,except 1963 not yet found-auth) 

(3)May.18th 1957

     Diem arrives in U.S. for ten day visit . President Eisenhower reaffirms support for his regime.(D) and Ngo Dinh Diem waves to New York lunchtime crowd as a parade in his honor proceeds up Broadway. Very few Americans could have then found Vietnam on a map (P)


6)June 1957


(1)June.7th 1957

     The First Covers of  Stamps” Tem Tho Cau Nguyen “stamps design native army with elephants, CDS Saigon June 7th 1957 found in Indonesia

(After Afro Asia conference in Bandung 1955, many South Vietnam stamps and first day covers send to Indonesia, auth)


(2)June,18th 1957

The reciept from Saigon Rayon detachee Ford for car repaired 124$40 with revenue 2x Overprint 0$20 on Etat du Vietnam Quoc Gia revenue

 (very rare strip two overprint revenue of Etat du Vietnam Quoc Gia ,the transition between Bodia to Ngo dien diem authority-auth)


(3)June.8th 1957

The Reciept of Service station Vespa-Ford Saigon , 928$00 with added Bigger type Vietnam Cong Hoa Con Niem 3 x 0$60 ,rate 1$80

(The earliest  Diem’s revenue of Vietnam Conghoa or the Republic of Vietnam in trhe South ex Cochin Chine -auth).


(4)June.18th 1957

The rare combination revenue Vietnam Thue Con Niem 3$(without 00) with emergency overprint 0$20  Etat du Vietnam Quoc Gia Con Niem 80 cent.on the receipt of car Service station “Ford” saigon , paid 1561$00 added revenue 3$20.

 (The Serial Reciept with revenue of the Car service station “Ford” Saigon with various type revenue, were the best collection for show –auth)


(5)June.21th 1957

The reciept from Rayon Detachee Ford for repiared car, 2.075$20, revenue etat du vietnam Quoc-Gia overprint 0$20 and 5 x new type brown Viet-nam revenue 80 cent (rate 4$20) .(rare transition revenue, the vietnam revenue used very short times -auth).





7) July 1957


(1) July.16th 1957

The Reciept of Bo Thanh Saigon ,Ty Tai Chanh vung Saigon for 22$10 for Gia moi thuoc khoi,Tien muon thuy luong ke & Tien tu-bo dan nuoc ,thue truong Ba. With overprint 0$20 Etat du Vietnam Quoc-Gia revenue

(rare revenue, I have only three that kind revenue on complete docu-ment,best variation rate, this the best transition  revenue during the earliest of liberation war-Diem era, I hope one day will put on show in USA and Saigon- auth)  


(2)July.12th 1957

The Receipt of Car service station Ford Saigon 2108$00 added Bigger type Vietnam Cong Hoa Con Niem revenue 8 x 0$60(rate 4$80) ,

( rare eight revenue, strip of five and three revenue 0$60.-auth)


The Receipt of Car service Station Ford Saigon 538$00, added 3 x 0$40 (rate 1$20) bigger type Vietnam Cong Hoa Con Niem revenue.


(4)July.12th 1957

The rare combination common bigger Vietnam Cong Hoa Con Niem revenue 0$80 with rare emergency overprint 0$20 on Etat du Vietnam Quoc Gia con niem revenue 80  cent. On the receipt of car servive station for Saigon  470$00, rate revenue 1$00.-

(rare the Quoc Gia revenue 1$00 that time-auth)


(5)July.26th 1957

The very rare combination emergency overprint 0$20 Quoc-Gia Etat du vietnam revenue  with 3 x 0$80  Vietnam thue Con Niem revenue 80 cents (rate 2$60), on the receipt of car repaired station “ford” saigon ,for paid 1.220$20.

(unusual revenue rate and cmbination rare type revenue, best collection for show , the late used of vietnam Thue Con Niem sea-fauna type revenue -auth)

(6)July ,30th 1957

The receipt of car&motorbike  service station Vespa&Ford Saigon , Ringlauer cable complete, 87$00, added very rare emergency revenue “ Overprint Etat du Vietnam Quoc-Gia con niem black 0$20 on 0$80 this time difficult to found revenue Etat du Vietnam Quc Gia 0$20”



8) August 1957

(1)August.27th 1957

The receipt of Car Service of Ngahn du Phu tung Ford Saigon , 2981$00 added Revenue Bigger Vietnam Cong Hoa Con Niem revenue 3$00.


(The serial reciept with complete nominal value revenue in 1957 until 1959 will showed us the transition period  including the emergencies overprint revenue were best collection to show  look at that varition revenue-auth)

9)September 1957

(1)September.20th 1957

The rare combination between common bigger Vietnam Cong Hoa coniem revenue 0$40 with rare Vietnam Thue Con Niem revenue 2 Piastres , on the receipt or car servive statin “Ford” cholon, 1138$ , revenue rate 2$40.

(still used Piastres revenue-at transition period -auth)


(2)September.19th 1957

The unusual nominal value of revenue only  2$ without 00 (the right must 2$00) Vietnam Thue Con Niem revenue on the reciept of car station service “Ford” saigon 1012$00, rate revenue 2$00.

(Unusual print without 00 after 2$, only  2$ , the right was 2$00, before another type 3 piastres -auth)

(3)September.26th 1957

The Contant Receipt of Societe Indochinoise De Transport  for car service SIT Saigon &SIT Phon Phenh  “Bobine Lucas 12v-237706” 328$00 with bigger Vietnam Cong Hoa Con Niem revenue 0$80

(The Indochine old form still used-auth)


10) October 1957

(1)October 1957

Communist insurgent activity in South Vietnam begins in accordance with decision reched in Hanoi to organized  thirty seven armed companies in Mekong delta.

During the year guerrillas assassinated more than four hundred minor South Vietnamese official.(D)

(2) , The South Vietnam Communist, The Vietcong , began organising  in the countryside, planning the assasination on Diem ‘s village headmen and official,


(3) The photo of Diem in the front of Saigon Bishop and another officials, he sat at law chair (TT Diem tam Cao nguyen Trung phan 1957) (P)




1) January 1958


(1)Diem in 1958

 Diem’s authoritarian rule, his ruthlesness and his corruption aroused opposition not only among pheasant bu among all those groups excluded from power and from a share .

2) February 1958

(1)February,7th 1958

The receipt of Car service station Ford Saigon, 1667$00, added Bigger Vietnam Cong Hoa Con Niem revenue 3$00 + 0$60.(rate 3$60)

3) -4) 1958

     No info

5) May 1958


The receipt of Indochine electric company 61$20 with Vietnam Cong Hoa common bigger type 0$20. the form write in Franch langueges.

6) June 1958

(1)Vietcong form a coordinated command structure in eastren Mekong delta .

7) July 1958

(1)July.31th 1958

The receipt of Car Service station Ford Saigon , 800$00 with Bigger Vietnam Cong Hoa Con Niem revenue 2 x 0$80 (rate 1$20)

8) August 1958

(1)August.15th 1958

The Military certificate, “ Quan-Doi Vietnam Cong Hoa” De Tam Quan-Khu. “CHUNG-CHI NANG-LUC CHUYEN-MON SO 1 Bo-Binh” (Quan/Military certificate/Chung Chi), the complete certificate with armed walfare illustrations. :


Hoi-Dong Giam Khao ky thi man khoa lai T.T.H.L/SDKC 14 ta ngay 23 thang 6 nam 1958 den 28 thang 6 nam 1958  .

          Chung nhan Binh nat TRAN-VAN-KHIET  so quan 400.052

Ta trung tuyen ky thi CHUNG-CHI NANG-LUC CHUYEN MON S 1/BO-BINH.

          Voi diem trung binh chung 13,23/20 . thung hang 43/71 .

Chuyen mon   :         Bo-Binh


Lam Tai KBC 4.061, ngay 15-8-1958

             Chan cu kao

Thieu-Ta Nguyen –Luong-Khuong


KBC 4.098 ngay 25/9/1958

Trung –Ta Bui-Huu-Nhon

Q Tu Linh-Do Tam Quan-khu



(the interesting for South Vietnam military document ‘s showed  with the picture of  green black military action around the certificate, sign at KBC 4061(?) and 4098(?) not list in IMNAHA KBC number please comment the complete area from KBC 4027 – Dalat National Military academy to KBC-4100 Thu Duc infantry school.

This was the trung tham certificate? Change thingking? Because only 12 days training,what kind of training and where the location -auth)

9) September 1958

(1) September.27th 1958

Tet Nhi Dong Saigon (Tet New Year Holiday) covers with the tet Stamps and special first day postal stamped In this day 20 years laters Vietcong suprise  attack (PH)

10)-11) 1958 no info

12) December 1958

(1)  by 1958 almost all the residual insurgent had been wiped out.(P)



c) Diem ARVN vs Vietcong  in 1959


1) January 1959

(1) Murderer of Gouvernment official by Vietcong 1200 per years.(D)

(2)Since 1959, the best Vietnam phillatelic collector Nguyen Bao Tung was a member of South Vietnam’s council for planning new stamps design and secretary General of the Vietnamese-American Association Stamp Club in Vietnam

( please Mr Tung or his native Vietnam phillatelic ‘s friend help me with more comment and information-auth)


     (3) The original vintage photo Vietnamese army (AVRN) wiyh his sister (4 womens) , in the back of photo written “ Ky niem Hoi con tic 1959 Bihuy.”

2) February 1959

(1)February ,18th 1959

The picture postcard of Nha Trang beach ‘Cha”ng ca’nh , Dai ta’nh” postally used (stamp off) CDS NHA TRA(NG) , 18.(2).1959 TO Cholon.


Nha Trang 14.2.59      cds Nha trang            

Cordial souvenuer                      18.2.1959

Nuedley vocine                   Nguyen Ba Luon

Pour l’annee                         Profeneur

      Ky’ Hoi                                E’cole Francaise de              




(2)February .6th 1959

The rare reciept of Police D’Abonnement Au Compteur, appreil instalattion than-chan ,Trinh , money 9114$63, with the rare highest nominal value bigger type green Vietnam Cong Hoa Con Niem(revenue) 10$00.

(This revenue document very find condition  and very rare the Police ambonnement of Compteur, for high price installation nine thousand $ , and high nominal 10$00 revenue- the show piece collection-auth)

3) March 1959

(1)   March,1st. 1959

     BINH CHUNG  RA-DA.  Don Vi Anh Hung Luc Lu’o’ng. Vu Trang Nhan Dan (D)

     (2) March,3rd 1959

The HOC CHI of Truong Trung Hoc Tu Thuc Cong-Hoa, 139 ,Duong Pasteur saigon. DE Tu Nhien Khoa 1958-1959.

Signed by Hieu Truong Phan van Van with rede doublke circle official stamped.,

Autheticated  with  regional Cholon-Saigon taxes regional 10$00 yellow revenue. By T.U.N. Do Truong Saigon,Truong Quan cuan Na with official stamped “ Vietnam Cong-Hua* D0-Thanh S.C. Truong Chan Ba.*”


(The lattest used of the regional revenue, after this  regional revenue will ovrprinted with year from 1960 to 1975 except 1963, the best serial regional revenue and best for showed-auth)


     (3) March 14th 1959

          The stamps of Trung sister on Elephant were issued in this day, the  6 pi uncommon in mint no hings condition.

(The Vietnam hero’s  Trung sister  very popular but the Lady Trieu didn’t issued because the people hate Madame Ngu because she said  that she was the reincarnation of Lady Trieu and she made the statue which broken out after the Diem regime fall, read the chapter I  Ancient Vietnam War, -auth)

4) April 1959 no info

5) May 1959

(1) North Vietnam forms Group 559, to begin infiltrating cadres and weapons into Southy Vietnam via the Saigon Trail.(D)


6) no info

7) July 1959

(1) July 1959

Group 759 organized by Vietminh to suplies to the south by sea.(D)

(2)July,12th. 1959

        The Dalat” Chuc Pongouh” water-fall vintage picture postcard send from Dalat in French char. In the back in franch:


                                                                   Dalat le 12.7.50

Monsieur Triat,


Alur tres …ne nouvelle a vous

aunoncre, j’ai trouv …..juine (JUNE) fille pour vous et j., quu’elte vous flavia.Je vous la prisenter , Ju mon retour.Si Vous e les presse, regadez en attenolant la

photo qua Germaine Vous a envorjee.Je cois qu ‘slle yest de dana (Danang)  .


#Bientiet et Bon counage.                   Signed



(Please somone translate this latter ,thanks,auth)

(3)July,15th. 1959

     To Khai Gia Dinh ‘s Bo Thanh Saigon ‘s document from Canh Sat Cuoc Quan ,Khu 7

signed by Gia-truong dung Khai ,ky ten and Kien-thj , le canh sai truong with red double circle Sat quoc quan with bamboo / flora disign.(OD)


(4) July 24th 1959

Ban Xa-Hoi Quan Tan-Binh


Nha Lanh cua Bo Dinh thi Nam SO BAC LA : Mui dtong bac :


Giup vao Quy Au-Tri Vien phunun.

Tan Binh,26.6.1959


Chu Tieh signed Nguyen –Thi-Lieng

Red Stamped BAN XA-HOI  Tinh Gia-dinh

Quan Tan-Binh.


 (What the meaning : “Au-Tri-vien”? auth)

8) August 1959


   (1) August,1st,1959

   The red “The’  Cu’ Tri (election?) Card” in vietnamese language , 1.8.1959 :





                        THE’ CU’ – TRI

          BAU CU’ QUO’C HO’I NAM 1959

                        No. 0634621 A/IX


    Ho’ Te’n   Nguyen Thi Thuan

    Ngay sinh va sinh :  29 tuoi

    Dia-chi  9 –B- Be’n Nguyen Duy

    The’ co’n cuo’c so’  B .003.539 nga’y………ca’p toi…..

    Cha ‘ ky’ cu’a       Zua’n Ta’m     ngay  1 Thang 8 na’m 1959

     Nguo co the                                     Chu’ ky’ va’ da’u cu’n

                                                               Nha chue’ tra’ch ca’p tha’i



  CHU’ Y’ .Ai du”ng the’ cu-tri cu’a ngu’o’i khac’ hoa’c dua the’ cu’-tri cua

                    Minh cho ke’ kha’c du’ng de’u bi truy-tp’ theo hinh-tua’t.


9) no info

10) October 1959

(1)Notre Dam Basilica (Saigon)

This church up to the Basilica in 1959 during 300 years Saigon Bishop (D- in the front of Basilica no Marie Madona statue) and private photo of the Basilica (OP- i964, there were Madona-Marie statue, may be made after Diem assasination)

When my visit in 2007, in the front of this Basilica I saw the Madonna statue  and  I have prayed at the front of that statue : “Please help me to get the best vietnam war postal history” and when I turned to the right I saw the small native stamps shops where some Vietcong postal history were found-there, difficult to seek the stamps shop in saigon because everybody did.t understand where the antique or phillatelic shop, you must told them Buu chin shop, also the Stamp catalogues.

In my last visit july 2009, I have went  by foot, walking from Phi Vu Hotel Nguyen Trai street , through the street in the front of the Hotel two block –to the right I came to the Back of the Market at front of Saigon Bus station, the to the right two block came to Ho Chi Minh City Museum where show the Vietnam War weapon, helicopter, jet and tank, granat,gun, archive ,photo and document of Vietnam Liberation war including Vietcong collections, but not the revenue and pstal history, also traditional wedding ceremony, and the Vietnam cultural ethnic collection and Saigon history, then   turn to the right found Pasteur street(Duong),

More two block turn left I have seen the Basilica, seen inside , many brides have made the antique photo, a Chinese Oldman help me to take photo of myself , in the front Mary statue at the front of Basilica,  

At left side of the basilica,  I met The Antique Saigon post office where I made two CTO cover, one for my friend Adi Darma with the 2006 sheet stamps chinese shio, and for my collection Ho Chi Minh stamps block four, but very pity I cann’t find the Stamp shop anymore after asking many persons because I still have the name card, after that by bus I go to Saigon bus station and met my friend in the front of that bus station and her husband bring me to her house at Chilon by motorbike, where I found complete revenue , postal and document history’s collections to add what I have found yesterday -auth)  


11) November 1959


(1) November,28th 1959

The  official first day postcard of first anniversary Republic du Tchad ,first day CDS “Premier Emission”, and the picture of flag blue-white-red, very pity the stamp was taken off.

 This unused postcard issue by “ Aevres sciales, office Equatorial des Postes et Telecommunication. (please told me what kind of stamps, vietnam or Franch stamps? –auth)

(2)Ecole Lamartine L.M.C. Billet D’Inscription Card.

 Aunee Seolaire 1959-1960.

Nom  : Vo Thi Thao

Classe:  10 eiue A

Venant de 11.

12)December 1959


(1)Soon after consolidating its power in saigon, the diem regime embarked on a massive campaign to liquidate in South Vietnam.

Many were imprisoned in reeducation Camp “TRUONG TAM “ or Center to Change thought.

(IMNAHA report postally used cover from Truong Tam, look at July,10th 1967-auth)

(3)    December,12th 1959

The traffic accident of two car  NCC 578 and NBO 096  report with the road map of accident’s situation, for repaired.

(If someone will translate the document, the complete document will showed in the blog, very rare accident that time  because not many cars in Saigon-auth)


d) Diem’s ARVN vs Vietcong  GUERILLA’S in 1960


1)January 1960

(1)Early 1960

     The turbine-powered helicopters appeared , and the US and South Vietnam infantry called the “ Helicopter war “.

The two turbine-powered helicopters which emerge as the backbone of the  new airmobile Division were the Bell HU-1 “Huey” and the larger Vertol CH-47 “Chinook”, without such aircraft the airmobile concept could not been implemen-ted.(D)   

(2) Eighteenth prominet South Vietnamese petition Diem to reform his government.(D)

2) February 1960

No info

3)March 1960

(1)March.25th 1960

The Vietnam Cong  Hoa Ho-Tich Tric-Luc B Khai Sanh , Bo thanh Saigon be thieu II 832 certificat , with Regional Saigon Cholon revenue  overprint red 1960, yellow revenue 10$ + green revenue 5$ .

(The earliest year of overprint regional Bothan saigon  revenue in 1960 and the latest 1975 during the fall of Saigon, the overprint on two type regional Bothan Saigon revenue  10$00 revenue yellow bad design and  green 5$00 fine native building design revenue , what is the meaning of Tri Luc Bo Khai San, I have the complete sertificate from 1960 until 1975 except 1963 with  regional Bo Than Saigon revenue, very best collection to showed, please comment about the 1963 the worst & Diem’s assasination year-auth)




4)April 1960

(1)April 2nd 1960


The U’U-Dai Card (what the meaning ? please someone tranlate-auth)


(a)the Front of U’U –Dai card












(b) The Back  of U’U Dai card.




So xe : NSF 338

Eua,Bom Mo.Xit Dau -2 AVR 1960

Nhot May : Mo Bi Loi L AF

Nhot Hop Soo :Sx Go

Nhot Bong Sau: Sx Go  


5)-8) no info

9) September 1960

(1)  September,5th 1960

       Long Dong congress opens in Hanoi, stresses need to combat Diem regime.  (D)

10) October 1960

(1)October,4th 1960

Station Service facture NCC no 518 marque(merk) Peugeot , 120$ with common type bigger  Vietnam Cong Hoa Con Niem(revenue) 0$40.

11) November 1960

(1) November,8th 1960

J.F.Kenney defeat Richard Nixon for the prisidency.


(2) November,11th 1960

     South Vietnamese army unit un-successfully  attempt to overthrew Diem.(D)

12) December 1960

(1) December,20th. 1960

          (a)Hanoi leaders from National Liberation Front for South Vietnam , which Saigon regime dubs the “Vietcong” meaning communist Vietnam. The movement was formed on directives from Hanoi(D)


          (b) Nguyen Huu Tho, head of the National Liberation front, as the Vietcong was officially called.(P)




e).Diem vs Vietcong Guerilla  in 1961


1) January 1961

(1) Murderer of Gouverment official by Vietcong 4000 per year.(D)

(2) The communist regions of the country border on North and South Vietnam  so actees as a passage for supplien and men on the maze of jungle trails known as the Ho Chi-minh trails.

(3) January,6th. 1961

     Khruschev declaring that the Soviet Union would support what he called “National Liberation Movement”

2) February 1962

(1)February.13th 1961

The reciept of car repaired station service Tan-Sn-Nhui Saigon 270$ with Vietnam Conghoa Con Niem (revenue) 0$40 .


3) March 1962 no info

4)April 1961

     (1) April,29th. 1961

(a)US troops deployment  to South Vietnam were discussed within Kennedy administration.

     (b) Common President Ngu Dienh Diem second issued stamp. The uncommon mint 9 pi stamp,

(I found this stamps , used off cover, in Indonesia-aut)


5) May 1961

(1)Alerts went out to American bases, a modest  100 –men increase in the nearly 700-strong American advisory mission in South Vietnam was approved.

Aproval for the despatch of a further 400 special Forces troops was goven. Extra military resources were provided, enabling the Vienamese army to be expanded from 150.000 to 170.000 troops. Finnaly US Troops were stationed in Thailand. (D)

(2) Vice-president Johnson chatting with Ngo Dinh Diem in Saigon . Johnson, whom Kennedy had sent on an ambassadorial world tour, exuberantly praised Diem as the “Winston Churchill of asia” which reassured Diem of American support(P)

(3) Autumn 1961

     General Taylor had recommended to the President the despatch of 8000 US combat soldiers becuase in a memorandum the Joint Chief of Staff had estimated that 40.000 US troops would clean up thew Vietcong threat,  that if the North Vietnamese and Chinese intervened another 128.000.

(4) A second Geneva Conference to “neutralise”Laos.

6) June 1961

(1)President Diem at Presidential palace on 7th anniversary as President

(2)June.4th 1961

The reciept of electricity in Franc char .”Compagne Des Eaux Et D’ Electricite De L’Indochine” 67$20, with rare small type Vietnam Cong Hoa Con Niem (revenue) 0$20. signed at Saigon 4 juin 1961 by P.P. De La C’Des Eaux et D’Electricite De L’Indochine.

 (very rare 1$00 small type Vietnam Conghoa Coniem revenue used at 7th Diem’s presidential day   anniversary ,please comment if someone have another nominal, look at the differents size at the photo illustration-auth)

(4)June.21th 1961

The certificate of Ho – Tich “Trich-Luc Bo Khaisanh” with regional Saigon Cholon revenue ,yellow 10$ ,red overprint 1961.

7)-10) no info


11) November 1961


(1) November,11th 1961

The receipt   of S.A.R Kaswa than chettiaa  23 dung 104 toat tich , propitaire Saigon , from Huyenh Xien 51$ with Vietnam Cong Hoa CON NIEM (REVENUE) , 0$20, F OR PAYING 36 M2  ve khoan tra tien muon dat o duang (Huose’s LAND TAX?) month 10 1962.

(I have the same receipt from 1-7-1961 , every month t 1-12-1962-auth)

(2)  November.21th 1961

The reciept of contractor Loan”TUE-NGHIA-DUONG SAIGON –CHOLON” the form with vietnamese and chinese char, from (nhan cua) Pho-Vu,cholon street (duong) Phai Tu so 42, maney

2216$ , Con Niem (revenue) type Vietnam Cong  hoa Con Niem 5$+ 1$ (rate 6$) with red chinese char stamped.







f)Diem AVRN vs Vietcong in 1962


1) January 1962 no info

2) February 1962.

(1) February ,6th 1962

American Military Assistance Command (AMAC) and CORDS (Civil Operations and Revolutionary Development Support) formed in South Vietnam

(IMNAHA report the postal history of AMAC and CORDS team , look at Andrew Crasshow blog.-auth)



The Hoc Sinh(Born/birth ) card, for 1961/1962, with yellow Saigon Cholon regional revenue 10$ overprint red 1962 sign by Hieu truong Nguyen Van Phu with Official Vietnam Conghoa quan truong quan nha sign & red stamped authentication, (may be this was the first The Hoc Sinh Card, or she forgotten to made in 1961-auth)  

(3) February,27th. 1962


(a)Two South Vietnamese pilots bomb Diem’s palace but Diem and his family survive. Diem and family miraculously escape injury, but Madame Nhu(Diem brother,s wife) slightly hurt.(D)


(b)Sometime laters, madame Nhu inspect the bomb palace (P)

3) March 1962

(1)March .10th 1962

Find condition , Rare Saigon vietnam Dien Tin (Telegramme) cds Saigon-T.U.V.T Vietnam 10.6.1962

From Xuanloc to Le-thi-phuoc 52 Nguy enphi Khanh Saigon. “TRINH BIEN TRONG (work in ?) 24 GIAO , HIEN TRUONG”

(The rare and only one telegram found during vietnam war in 1962-auth)

 (2)  March,20th. 1962

      Postally used cover with Vietnam Buu Chin  Cong Hua’s Unesco comemmoration stamps 3×1 Dong (rate 3 Dong) send from Saigon (round CDS) to Kinh goi ong Le-Van-Hai, Giao-Vien Lop Nhut”B” Truong Nam Tieu-Hoc Long-Xuyen.An-Giang (rare destination PH)  


The Facture Reparatins ‘s receipt of Saigon Xe hoi Cong-Ty 34vBoulevard Thong-Nhut Saigon. From Mr Giang Thi Naoh money 636$77, with two type revenue Vietnam Cong Hoa Con Niem small size 1$00 and bigger size 0$40.(This the rare earliest small size VCH Con niem type revenue-auth ) 


4) April 1962 no info

5) May 1962

(1)Vietcong formed battalion-size units in central Vietnam.(D)

6) June 1962

(1) June, 19th. 1962

     The VERY RARE ,Vietnam Telegram “Dien Tin”  send from Saigon Telegram date stamped SAIGON. T.U.V.T-VIETNAM 10.6.1962.





:                                                                     :                                            :

:                  DIE’N   TIN                  :   VIET-NAM CONG-HOA :

:                  TELEGRAMME                   :    REPUBLIQUEB DU VIETNAM  :

:    ____________________________________                            ______________         :


:                       : GUI   BI     : GOC    O :         :        B U U   –  D I E N  :


:         2       ______________________         : POSTES ET TELECOMMUNICATIONS   :

:                       :  SAIGON  :XUANLOC :                

:______________________________________       :  Le –Thi-Chuoc 52         :

:                                                       :Nguyen Phi Khanh  Saigon:

:                                               9/6

:                                                                  :___________________________:


:    Trinh  Zie’n trong    24  gio’ =


:                                                             Hie’n Truo’ng :   :________________________________________________ :

Chinh-phu’ kho’ng chiu trach-nhie’m va’ vie’c do’i tin tuc cua tu- han bang dien-tin

L’etat n’est 0 du chine resposabilite a’ raison de la correspondance par la voie telegraphique



(2) Mid 1962

Amerivan advisers increase from 700 to 12.000.

(3)In 1962

The best South Vietnam capture the Vietcong ‘s photography in 1962


(a)Vietcong capture by South Vietnam army (ARVN)  were put at prison camp ‘s Kham Duc compound (Photo)


(b) South Vietnamese Infantry warly moving past hut they set ablaze after they found it held communist literature (photo)


(c)ARVN soldiers loading their Vietcong prisoners on small canoe-like boats in Mekong delta.


(d)AVRN soldiers wading into canal to put equiptment in boats to lure Vietcong guerillas from nearby flooded paddies (Photo)

(3) June.1st 1962

The reciept money BP$1479$00, with Vietnam Conghoa ConNiem revenue 3$00, for paying in French “Mille quatre cent si xante dix nuef piastres” from mr Ba Huyn Xiem by LXXX VIETNAM CONG HOA QUAN TRUONG ,  ve khoan tra tien muon dat  dung nguyen che nghia hem lo s n(TF 183) 36 m2, thay mat nguoi chu dat saigon 1-6-1962  handsign. ( I also have the same receipt for 51$ not use france char anymore , date 1-12-1962, with same type revenue 0$20-auth)


7) July 1962 no info

8) August 1962

(1) August.6th 1962

The Chung Chi ,  duong Cong-quyns 132-133 Saigon  “Marconi’s school’s certificate, chung ban ong(Mr) Nguyen –ngoc-Siem, sanb (born0 1-8-1934 tai Hien Thanh,Tan-an, da then boc lop Ke-tan tai bon truong, tie ngay 1.2-1962 den ngay 1.8.62 . sign Saigon 6.8.1962, Hieu Truong Nguyen Van Giau. Autentication with  overprint red 1962 on yellow Saigon cholon regional revenue 10$. Sign and red stamped Vietnam Cong Hoa official “bamboo design.

9) September 1962 no info

10) October 1962

(1) October,1st 1962

The same “THE HOC –SINH” Card  of Miss Do Thi Muoi tai(born) My Tho 2.3.1937, address 23 Ng Thung Chan Saigon above (16.2.1962) WITH Cholon Saigon regional revenue overprint red 1962, BUT DIFFERENT LEAGALIZED : KT.QUAN –TRUONG QUAN NHI WITH VIOLET STAMPED.and hoc lap de IV nien kha 1962 /1963 (informatif document about the change of goverment official and new card for 1962/1963 -auth)



11) November 1962


(1)     November ,1st.1962

The prestamped “ Brisbane Qld Aust.   4-PM 1 NOV 1962 POSTED PILLAR BOX,  and rolling dated stamped PERTH. INV.  ,AU 10 GAME NOV 1962  hand written Acc (Sencored ?) on document’s envelope, send to Lam Huu Sia,36 So That Diem Saigon , S.Viet-Nam.

(rare cover from Brisbane Australia via  PERTH (sencored?) to So Thanh Diem street Saigon South Vietnam –very interesting Diem street, what is  the name that street now ? a historic information of Diem topicalcollection-aut)


12) December 1962


(1) December.1st 1962

The receipt of S.A.R KASWATHAN-CHETTIM, MONEY bp $ 51, WITH VIETNAM CONG HOA CON NIEM REVENUE 0$20, ve khan tra tien muon dat a duong N.C. Nghia ham la So 5 (36m2 Land ta)

the end @ copyright Dr iwan suwandy 2011






The Vintage Saigon (HCM city) Pictures Collections Part Two During French Indochine


Saigon 1882 – Palais du Gouverneur


Saigon 1882 – Le Cercle des Officiers (47 bd Le Duan)

CLB Sĩ quan Pháp, nay là UBND Q1. Cạnh bên là công trường xây dựng nhà thờ Đức Bà, với mái ngói xuống thật thấp, che phần nền móng đang thi công

L’escadre russe dans le port de Saigon – Hạm đội Nga trong cảng SG


Đúng 120 năm trước, Thái tử nước Nga viếng thăm Sài Gòn ngày 21-3-1891

Le Voyage du Tsarévitch – Fêtes données en l’honneur de Son Altesse à Saïgon, 21-3-1891 – Đúng 120 năm trước đây, vào ngày 21-3-1891, Thái tử nước Nga Oukhtomsky mà sau này là Sa hoàng Nikôlai Đệ nhị, đã ghé thăm Sài Gòn trong chuyến thăm viếng vùng Viễn Đông. (Năm đó Thái tử 23 tuổi, và 3 năm sau, vào năm 1894 ông lên ngôi Sa hoàng, kế vị Sa hoàng Alexandre III cha ông vừa mất vì bịnh).



SAIGON – Entrée de la Rue Catinat 1902


Saîgon. Cochinchine. Pousse pousse. 1906


SAIGON – Types Anamites 1906


Passerelle à Cholon – 1909


Saïgon vers 1909 – La Rue Catinat


Saïgon 1909 – Les réjouissances Publiques du 14 Juillet – L’invention de la Grande Roue


Saïgon 1909 – La Rue Catinat


SAIGON – Place du Théâtre et la Rue Catinat 1914


SAIGON – Bd Charner et l’Hôtel de Ville 1920


Rue Catinat 1924


Saigon. Port de commerce 1931



tiệm tạp hóa của người




Souvenir de la Foire-Exposition de Saïgon du 20.12.1942

Kỷ niệm Hội Chợ – Triển Lãm Sài Gòn



tượng Francis Garnier phía trước Nhà hát TP

the end @copyright Dr Iwan Suwandy 2011

The Vintage Saigon(HCM city) Picture Postcard Collections part one After 1945



SAIGON - Cercle Sportif - La Piscine

Saïgon - Le Cercle Sportif

SAIGON - Perspective du Boulevard Charner face à la Rivière de Saïgon

SAIGON - Le boulevard Charner

SAIGON - Perspective de la rue Catinat

SAIGON - Nouveau quartier de Khanh-Hoï

Saigon - Le Temple Protestant

Saigon - Le Temple Protestant. 1935

souvenir de saïgon en 1908

souvenir de saïgon en 1908

Anyone can see this photo

Saigon - Vietnam - 1967-68

Saigon – Vietnam – 1967-68

Anyone can see this photo

Saigon - Vietnam - 1967-68

Saigon – Vietnam – 1967-68

Anyone can see this photo

Công viên Vạn Xuân góc Pasteur - Trần Quý Cáp

Công viên Vạn Xuân góc Pasteur – Trần Quý Cáp

vườn hoa nhỏ phía trước Tiểu học Trần Quý Cáp và ĐH Kiến Trúc SG, nay đã bị phá bỏ, chiếm của

Anyone can see this photo Công viên Chi Lăng

Công viên Chi Lăng

Vườn Hoa Chi Lăng, đường Tự Do

Anyone can see this photo

tượng Nữ vương Hòa bình

tượng Nữ vương Hòa bình

Anyone can see this photo 

tượng Trần Nguyên Hãn

tượng Trần Nguyên Hãn

bùng binh Quách Thị Trang trước Chợ Bến Thành

Anyone can see this photo

Dinh Độc Lập

Dinh Độc Lập

Anyone can see this photo

trụ sở Bộ Tư Pháp trước 1975, nay là UBND Q1

trụ sở Bộ Tư Pháp trước 1975, nay là UBND Q1

số 47 ĐL Thống Nhất SG

Anyone can see this photo

Công trường Lam Sơn

Công trường Lam Sơn

Anyone can see this photo

Trước 1975 là PX của Mỹ, hiện nay là KS Hoàng Đế

Trước 1975 là PX của Mỹ, hiện nay là KS Hoàng Đế

PX Mỹ tại số 117 Phan Đình Phùng (nay là Nguyễn Đình Chiểu) Q.3 Sài Gòn

Anyone can see this photo trước Chợ Bà Chiểu, Gia Định

trước Chợ Bà Chiểu, Gia Định

Anyone can see this photo

Đò ngang bến Bạch Đằng

Đò ngang bến Bạch Đằng

Anyone can see this photo hè phố Lê Lợi trước Thương xá TAX

hè phố Lê Lợi trước Thương xá TAX

Anyone can see this photo

hè phố Nguyễn Huệ

hè phố Nguyễn Huệ

Anyone can see this photo

Nguyễn Huệ

Nguyễn Huệ

Anyone can see this photo Pasteur


Anyone can see this photo

đường Hồng Thập Tự (nay là XVNT), đoạn gần rạp Olympic

đường Hồng Thập Tự (nay là XVNT), đoạn gần rạp Olympic


saîgon – un groupe d’élégantes


COCHINCHINE – Restaurant indigène en plein air


saïgon – place de la cathédrale – sortie de la messe




Saïgon. 14 juillet 1946


đường Hai Bà Trưng


Saïgon. Rue Catinat 1946


Saïgon. Fusilier- marin motocycliste rue Catinat 1946


Saïgon. L’Hôtel des Postes 1946


Saïgon. Place Francis-Garnier (du Théâtre) et rue Catinat 1947




Port de Saïgon. Jonques et sampans 1947


Saïgon. Rue Paul-Blanchy 1947


Le marché de Tan Dinh – 1947


In French Indo China, oxen pulling carts down the street. Jul 1948


Saigon Jul 1948 – Locals riding the street car, in French Indochina.


Saigon 1948 – In French Indo China, racks of bicycles lining the street.

đường Nguyễn Huệ xưa


Saïgon. Polyclinique Dejean de La Bâtie 1949


Un coin du port de Saïgon 1954


1955 SAÏGON – Boulevard Bonnard

Tên ông toàn quyền Bonard hay bị các ông Tây viết sai thành bonard

tượng Bá Đa Lộc đã được đưa về Pháp






Trước 1975 là PX của Mỹ, hiện nay là KS Hoàng Đế

PX Mỹ tại số 117 Phan Đình Phùng (nay là Nguyễn Đình Chiểu) Q.3 Sài Gòn

Anyone can see this photo


The Vintage Pictures Of KNIL Officer and His Family in Java Before and After World War II(Koleksi Foto Tentara KNLI dengan keluarganya Sebelum Perang dunia Kedua)

LEENDERT VAN DER GROEF (7 jan. 1916 , Middelharnis ( Holland )  - 26 sept. 1943 , Birma)

LEENDERT VAN DER GROEF (7 jan. 1916 , Middelharnis ( Holland ) –
LEEN VAN DER GROEF , in the midst of his colleague KNIL-soldiers , on point-duty in Soerabaja , former Dutch Indies in the late 1930's  -  how many ór how few of these men will have survived the then already near approaching war in the east ....??!

LEEN VAN DER GROEF , in the midst of his colleague KNIL-soldiers , on point-duty in Soerabaja , former Dutch Indies in the late 1930’s
in the former Dutch Indies (Indonesia) , some 75 years ago

in the former Dutch Indies (Indonesia) , some 75 years ago


1930  vintage dutch ladies picture in  antique car

eereveld  army graves  Tjilitan..

Young Local Club KJB(Konijkle Jonge Bond)
3 januari 1940 opa marius ypey

3 januari 1940 opa marius  
'kaart lezen in kampongs' /  map reading in the Indonesian villages (far left : Leen van der Groef) , former Dutch Indies , late 1930's

‘kaart lezen in kampongs’ / map reading in the Indonesian villages (far left : Leen van der Groef) , former Dutch Indies , late 1930’s
th end @ Copyright Dr Iwan Suwandy 2011

The Vintage Picture Collections Of The KNIL and Famili in Java Before , during and after in the Dai Nippon Prisoner Of War at Java